Hydrocarbon-Friendly Trump a Match for Energy-Hungry India

With 1.4 billion energy-hungry citizens, India stands at the epicenter of the geopolitics of energy and climate policy. As the world’s third-largest energy consumer and projected to have the fastest growth in demand over the next two decades, the subcontinent’s choices reverberate far beyond its borders.

From Watts Up With That?

By Vijay Jayaraj

With 1.4 billion energy-hungry citizens, India stands at the epicenter of the geopolitics of energy and climate policy. As the world’s third-largest energy consumer and projected to have the fastest growth in demand over the next two decades, the subcontinent’s choices reverberate far beyond its borders.

The International Energy Agency (IEA) forecasts that India will account for a staggering 25% of growth in global energy demand by 2040, driven by rapid industrialization, urbanization, and an expanding middle class.

By 2050, India’s electricity demand alone could represent a major chunk of the world’s total, while its appetite for oil and natural gas is set to soar, the former potentially adding many million barrels per day to global oil consumption. Not to forget, the nation’s ambitions for technological development — particularly of data centers — promise to push the requirement for energy to stratospheric levels.

With the reemergence of a hydrocarbon-friendly administration in Donald Trump’s second term, India sees a golden opportunity to bolster its energy security. Trump’s revival of Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) exports and his ethos of “drill, baby, drill” align perfectly with India’s unapologetic pursuit of reliable, affordable energy.

Far from bending to the green agenda peddled at United Nations summits, India is now betting big on U.S. hydrocarbons — LNG, West Texas Intermediate crude, and more — to fuel its economic ascent.

India’s Reacts to Trump’s LNG Revival

The Trump administration’s decision to lift the Biden-era ban on LNG export permits has opened opportunities for India. “Their (Washington’s) decision to lift the ban will improve LNG supply, and we will revive our plans to either buy a stake or buy U.S. LNG under long-term deals,” declared the chairman of GAIL, Ltd., India’s state-owned gas utility.

Already the world’s fourth-largest LNG importer, India aims to boost natural gas’s share in its energy mix from less than 7% to 15% by 2030 — a target that demands a doubling of LNG imports to roughly 65 billion cubic meters annually, according to the IEA. Domestic production being unable to keep pace with demand, U.S. LNG is poised to fill the gap.

With respect to crude oil, India’s strategic calculus is equally evident. To mitigate trade imbalances and foster stronger bilateral ties, New Delhi is contemplating a fixed quota for importing U.S. crude, specifically Western Texas Intermediate product.

India imports 88% of its crude oil, a dependency that exposes it to global price volatility and geopolitical whims. In 2023-24, imports of crude from the U.S. were ranked fifth, trailing Russia, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Sourced primarily from Texas’s Permian Basin, American oil could displace one of the top four, which would count as a score for Trump’s “America First” agenda.

Why U.S. Over Venezuela, Iran and Russia?

India’s pivot to U.S. hydrocarbons is not only about seizing opportunity but also about dodging risk. Three traditional suppliers — Venezuela, Iran and Russia — pose headaches that American energy sidesteps.

Take Venezuela: Once a significant supplier to India, its shipments have dwindled under U.S. sanctions since 2019. Hopes of a revival were in the cards as imports surged to a four-year peak in 2024. However, Trump is now planning to impose a 25% tariff on exports from any nation buying Venezuelan oil.

Instability of Iranian supplies is equally unappealing. With Middle East tensions simmering, India can ill afford an entanglement in American-led “maximum pressure” campaigns against the Iranian nuclear program.

Russia, meanwhile, is a complex equation for India. Moscow has been a lifeline since 2022, supplying 40% of India’s crude at steep discounts after imposition of Western sanctions over Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. Imports hit 1.91 million barrels per day in the first half of India’s 2024-25 fiscal year.

But geopolitical tensions and supply chain risks loom large. A Ukrainian drone attack on Russia’s Kropotkinskaya pumping station in February disrupted flows via the Caspian Pipeline Consortium, cutting global supply from Russia by up to 380,000 barrels daily.

The U.S., by contrast, offers stability. No sanctions, no drone strikes — just a flood of oil and gas from a partner eager to sell.

For a nation where 800 million still use biomass such as wood and animal dung for cooking and per capita electricity consumption is a third of the global average, energy security is non-negotiable while “climate guilt” is a foolish distraction. Energy poverty kills more than does an imaginary climate crisis.

Meanwhile, Trump’s vision for development of American energy offers India a supercharger for its economy — exactly opposite the hollow promises of climate politics.

This commentary was first published at American Thinker on March 27, 2025.

Vijay Jayaraj is a Science and Research Associate at the CO2 Coalition, Arlington, Virginia. He holds an M.S. in environmental sciences from the University of East Anglia and a postgraduate degree in energy management from Robert Gordon University, both in the U.K., and a bachelor’s in engineering from Anna University, India.

FERC Finally Wakes Up

At their February public meeting, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission issued a Section 206 petition, which argued that the PJM tariff is unjust or unreasonable (or both, I suppose) because it doesn’t include rules that allow for locating generation sources near or at data centers.

From Watts Up With That?

By Michael McKenna

At their February public meeting, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission issued a Section 206 petition, which argued that the PJM tariff is unjust or unreasonable (or both, I suppose) because it doesn’t include rules that allow for locating generation sources near or at data centers.

Let me commend FERC for finally engaging on the crucial issue of how we might be able to power the data centers which will be essential to the United States’ efforts to win the artificial intelligence race. Welcome to the fray.

Let me also commend FERC for issuing the equivalent of a vote of no confidence in an organized market. I’m not sure it is the first such vote, but it is definitely the first time that FERC has acknowledged that an organized market may be able to meet the challenge posed by an absolute requirement for the construction of more power and more reliable power in a prompt manner.

The Section 206 issued to PJM is an acknowledgment that the current regulatory model is unlikely to produce the results that the nation needs in this moment; that PJM, as currently configured, is not likely to lead to the building of enough generation in time.

What makes it worse for PJM is that the Commission is not the only one who has lost confidence. In January, in the wake of last Summer’s auction where prices jumped 800%, Governor Shapiro in Pennsylvania decided that PJM needed more generation. Mr. Shapiro warned in a January open letter to PJM that price escalation “threatens to undermine public confidence in PJM as an institution.”

In response to his letter, PJM wrote that it had long warned about potential supply shortfalls during periods of high demand, blaming “state and federal policy decisions that are pushing generators to retire prematurely” and “unprecedented and rapidly growing data center construction.”  In short, the problem was that customers were actually starting to ask for generation from generators.

PJM ultimately energetically argued that that the “market” would take care of the problem. Just kidding. What really happened is that PJM quickly folded and set a price cap for its next two capacity auctions.

The Section 206 petition filed by the Commission is a bit more comprehensive than the back and forth between Governor Shapiro and the hopelessly outmatched PJM. For those of you who think it is liable to be fixed quickly, the Commission’s petition wrapped up with 6 single-spaced pages of questions (39 questions in total) to the world. They varied in complexity from simple questions that can’t be answered (“Please explain whether the existing Tariff rules are sufficient to ensure resource adequacy if increasing numbers of large existing generators choose to co-locate with load.”) to complicated questions that won’t be answered (“Please explain whether or not it would be appropriate to establish an interconnection study outside of PJM’s interconnection queue process for newly interconnecting co-location arrangements . . . “).

We’ve been at this question of data center demand for more than a year now and are just getting around to asking questions that get near the core of the problem, which is, of course, that many places generally, and PJM specifically, appear to have given up completely on building generation, no matter how loud the message from the capacity market gets.

The original sin is, as always, that no one seems to be responsible for reliability. Generators aren’t, otherwise, they would be building powerplants. The people who run PJM aren’t; they weren’t elected or appointed by anyone and therefore are not accountable to anyone in particular. The capacity markets are obviously not getting the job done either.

The demand driven by data centers – and the urgency to win the artificial intelligence race now – has exposed the flaws in the slow, sclerotic, self-absorbed system. FERC and its progeny in Valley Forge are completely happy to live in their co-dependent relationship, tossing pieces of paper back and forth to one another.

For the rest of us, though, winning the race to the commanding economic and national security heights of the next three generations is too important to be left to organizations that can’t even decide who might be in charge of system reliability, and whose sense of urgency and clarity results in six pages worth of questions, the answers to which will spawn even more questions and the inevitable litigation.

The system is broken. It is not going to be fixed by pretending that FERC orders get powerplants built.

What we need – and are not likely to get from a FERC-driven process – is some sort of variance or off-ramp to our current approaches that allow builders and their customers to build generation (and buy power) without having to wander through the maze of rules, customs, and folkways embedded in some organized markets.

Until we get something that looks like that, we will continue to struggle with reliability, with costs, and with concerns about our national competitiveness.

Michael McKenna, president of MWR Strategies, advises utilities, merchant generators, and transmission companies. He was deputy director of the White House Office of Legislative Affairs under President Trump. 

This article was originally published by RealClearEnergy and made available via RealClearWire.

More on German Dunkelflautes

A commonly used definition of a Dunkelflaute is a period with a daily production of less than 10% of installed capacity.

From Trust, yet verify

In previous post, I was looking for two Dunkelflautes (periods of low wind and not much sunshine) in the German grid data. I looked specifically into the first half of November 2024 and around half December 2024, this because it was reported that Dunkelflautes occurred in those two periods.

A commonly used definition of a Dunkelflaute is a period with a daily production of less than 10% of installed capacity. Unfortunately, I didn’t have the exact capacity information for November and December 2024. A LinkedIn post that analyzed Dunkelflautes in Germany used the installed capacity of the beginning of the year and found 12 consecutive days in November and 3 consecutive days in December. I redid that analysis but with the installed capacity at the end of 2024 (which should be more appropriate for the end of the year) and found 14 consecutive days in November and 4 consecutive days in December.

The actual number of Dunkelflaute days will depend on how much capacity was available at the end of 2024. When all the new capacity came available in the second half of December, then that would be 12 days in November and 3 days in December, as found in the LinkedIn post. When that capacity was already available at the beginning of November, then that would be 14 days in November and 4 in December. When some of that capacity was coming available in November or December, then that would be something in between, depending on how much capacity still had to come available at the end of the year.

I limited myself in previous post to just those two date ranges, but the winter period in general is known for having Dunkelflaute events, so that made me wonder how frequent these occur. So, let’s just extend the same analysis from November 2024 until now.

The Agora data from 1 November 2024 until 28 March 2025 (when I finalize this post) gives this:

(click the image to enlarge to see it more clear and with some extra details)

I used the installed capacity at the end of 2024 for the entire period (November 2024 → March 2025) in my calculation. Also here, the actual number of Dunkelfaute days in the first three months of 2025 will depend on how much capacity came available. When there was already new capacity available in that period, then there might be more days having less production than the 10% threshold than what I calculated.

The longest Dunkelflaute is still the one of the first half of November 2024. There were however more periods than I expected. I count 14 periods with a production of less than 10% of installed capacity, of which 5 are single day and 9 spanned consecutive days:

 Start dateEnd dateDuration
(days)
102 Nov 202415 Nov 202414
229 Nov 202429 Nov 20241
304 Dec 202404 Dec 20241
410 Dec 202413 Dec 20244
524 Dec 202429 Dec 20246
604 Jan 202504 Jan 20251
712 Jan 202513 Jan 20252
815 Jan 202522 Jan 20258
901 Feb 202506 Feb 20256
1013 Feb 202517 Feb 20255
1125 Feb 202501 Mar 20255
1210 Mar 202514 Mar 20255
1324 Mar 202524 Mar 20251
1426 Mar 202526 Mar 20251

I expected some periods of Dunkelflaute, but not that many! From the 148 days between 1 November 2024 and 28 March 2025, there were 60 days with a daily production of less than 10% of the installed capacity. That is 40% of the days in the period. That is much more than I expected. The average capacity factor was only 11.8% over the entire period. This in a period of the year when demand is at its highest.

Six Good Reasons to Overturn EPA CO2 Ruling

The supposed climate cataclysm consensus is disintegrating under growing pressure from reality. Green energy subsidies, regulations and mandates are crumbling. Greenpeace has been hit with a $667-million judgment for conspiracy, defamation, trespass, and fostering arson and property destruction.

From Science Matters

By Ron Clutz

Paul Driessen makes six strong points in his Town Hall article Reexamining the Obama Era Endangerment Finding.  Excerpts in italics with my bolds and added images.

The supposed climate cataclysm consensus is disintegrating under growing pressure from reality. Green energy subsidies, regulations and mandates are crumbling. Greenpeace has been hit with a $667-million judgment for conspiracy, defamation, trespass, and fostering arson and property destruction.

Last year’s “Buy a Tesla – save the planet” placards have been exchanged for “mostly peaceful” protests based on “Torch a Tesla – save our democracy” and infernos of toxic pollution and “carbon” emissions.

Even higher anxiety is battering climate activists from the Lee Zeldin Environmental Protection Agency’s review of EPA’s 2009 “Endangerment Finding” (EF) – the foundation and justification for restrictive Obama and Biden Era standards and regulations on permissible electricity generation, automobiles, furnaces, home appliances and much more.  Six Good Reasons to Overturn:

CO2 is the Essence of Life on Earth. Damning it as a Pollutant is absurd and ignorant.

Humans and animals exhale carbon dioxide when they breathe, combustion processes also emit CO2, and during photosynthesis plants absorb CO2 and emit oxygen. More atmospheric CO2 helps plants grow better, faster and with less water. Nearly all life on Earth depends on this process. It’s basic science.

That’s why the Clean Air Act doesn’t include carbon dioxide in its list of dangerous pollutants, along with carbon monoxide, lead, nitrogen dioxide, ground-level ozone, particulates and sulfur dioxide.

But fossil-fuel-hating activists blame CO2 for the alleged “climate crisis” – and in Massachusetts v. EPA the US Supreme Court said EPA could regulate CO2 emissions if the agency found that they “cause or contribute” to “air pollution” that may be “reasonably anticipated” to “endanger public health or welfare.”

The Obama EPA quickly determined that they did and issued an Endangerment Finding that gave the agency effective control over America’s energy, transportation, industries, furnaces and stoves– indeed, over almost every facet of our lives and living standards – to help “fundamentally transform” the nation.

In formulating its decision, EPA did no research of its own, relied heavily on GIGO computer models and outdated technical studies, dismissed the clear benefits of rising atmospheric CO2 levels, and ignored studies that didn’t support its decision. EPA even told one of its own experts (who had offered evidence and analyses contradicting official claims) that “the administration has decided to move forward [on implementing the EF] and your comments do not help the legal or policy case for this decision.”

That alone is a compelling reason for reversing the Endangerment Finding. But other realities also argue convincingly that EPA’s 2009 action should be nullified.

EPA had no authority to convert plant-fertilizing, life-giving carbon dioxide into a dangerous, health-threatening pollutant.

First, Massachusetts v. EPA has been sidelined, rendered irrelevant or effectively reversed.

West Virginia v. EPA (2022) ruled that federal agencies may not violate the “major questions doctrine,” which holds that, in the absence of clear congressional direction or authorization, agencies may not make decisions or issue regulations “of vast economic and political significance.”

The Obama EPA had no clear congressional language or authorization to declare that carbon dioxide is a pollutant that would likely “endanger public health or welfare.” The Supreme Court’s minimal guidance in Massachusetts underscores the absence of congressional intent or direction. The process EPA used in rendering its predetermined finding demonstrates how little actual science played a role. And the enormous significance and impact of the EF decision and subsequent regulations can hardly be disputed.

Similarly, the SCOTUS 2024 ruling in Loper Bright v. Raimondo overturned the court’s 1984 decision in Chevron v. NRDC and ended judicial deference to government agencies (the “Chevron doctrine”). Bureaucrats may no longer devise “reasonable interpretations” of unclear statutory language if those interpretations would significantly expand regulatory powers or inflate private sector costs.

These two decisions mean EPA had no authority to convert plant-fertilizing, life-giving carbon dioxide into a dangerous, health-threatening pollutant.

Natural Climate Forces and CO2 Benefits Were Ignored by EPA 2009 Ruling

Second, reams of post-2009 studies and analyses show that CO2 is hugely beneficial to forests, grasslands and croplands – and that CO2 and other greenhouse gases (GHGs) have not replaced the powerful, complex, interconnected natural forces that have always driven global warming, climate change, ice ages, Little Ice Ages, and extreme weather events. EPA ignored this in 2009.

Others demonstrate that there is no climate crisis, nothing unprecedented in today’s climate and weather, and nothing modern industrialized societies cannot cope with far more easily than our ancestors did.

(See Climate Change Reconsidered II, CO2 Coalition studies, NOAA hurricane history, US tornado records, and studies the Trump EPA will undoubtedly consult during its EF reconsideration.)

Human Lives are Sustained by Hydrocarbon Fuels and By-Products

Third, our energy, jobs, living standards, health, welfare, national security and much more depend on fossil fuels – for energy and for pharmaceuticals, plastics and thousands of other essential products that are manufactured using petrochemical feedstocks.

Developing Nations Need and Will Use More Hydrocarbons in Any Case

Fourth, China, India and other rapidly developing nations also depend on fossil fuels – and in fact are increasing their coal and petroleum use every year – to build their industries and economies and improve their people’s health and living standards. They are not about stop doing so to appease those who insist the world faces a climate crisis. That means even eliminating coal, oil, gas and petrochemical use in the United States would have no effect on global GHG emissions.

Primary Threat to Earth Future is Losing Reliable, Affordable Energy

Finally, the primary threats to human and planetary health and welfare come not from using fossil fuels – but from eliminating them, trying to switch to “clean, green, renewable” energy, and no longer having vital petrochemical products.

As Britain and Germany have shown, switching to intermittent, weather-dependent wind and solar energy with backup power raises electricity prices to 3-4 times what average Americans currently pay. Industries cannot compete internationally, millions lose their jobs, living expenses soar, and families cannot afford to heat their homes in winter or cool them in summertime.

Thousands die unnecessarily every year from heatstroke, hypothermia, and diseases they would survive if they weren’t so hot, cold or malnourished.

In poor countries, millions die annually from indoor pollution from wood and dung fires, from spoiled food due to lack of refrigeration, from contaminated drinking water due to the absence of sanitation and treated water, and from diseases that would be cured in modern healthcare systems.

The common factor in all these deaths is the absence of reliable,
affordable energy, largely imposed by climate-focused bureaucrats
who finance only wind and solar projects in poor nations.

Wind and solar power, electric vehicle and grid-backup batteries, and associated transmission lines require metals and minerals mining and processing on unprecedented scales, power-generation facilities blanketing millions of acres of croplands and wildlife habitats, and the disposal of gigantic equipment that breaks or wears out quickly and cannot be recycled.

Reliance on wind, solar and battery power also means blackouts amid heatwaves and cold spells, cars stalled in snowstorms and hurricane evacuations – and thus still more deaths.

A slightly warmer planet with more atmospheric CO2 would be greatly beneficial for plants, wildlife and humanity. A colder planet with less carbon dioxide would significantly reduce arable croplands, growing seasons, wildlife habitats and our ability to feed humanity.

EPA’s 2009 Endangerment Finding ignored virtually all these realities.
EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin’s reexamination of that decision
must not repeat that mistake.

Climate Activists Want to Blame Americans’ Soaring Utility Bills on Anything but Green Energy

A coalition of Massachusetts climate activist groups sent a letter to government officials on March 18, in response to high utility costs concerning energy bills, though several renewable energy projects in the state have been driving up utility costs in the area for years.

From Watts Up With That?

THE DAILY CALLER

Daily Caller News Foundation

Audrey Streb
Contributor

A coalition of Massachusetts climate activist groups sent a letter to government officials on March 18, in response to high utility costs concerning energy bills, though several renewable energy projects in the state have been driving up utility costs in the area for years.

Six environmental activist organizations, including Sierra Club Massachusetts and HEETlabs, sent the letter to Democratic Gov. Maura Healey and Energy and Environmental Affairs Secretary Rebecca Tepper. The letter included calls for provisions to lower energy bills.

Massachusetts has historically supported several expensive green energy projects that have been found to raise utility costs, including offshore wind farms like Vineyard Wind and the abandoned Cape Wind project. The Bay State plans to achieve net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050, a goal also championed by the Biden administration to the tune of $3 trillion.

“The sharp spikes in heating bills throughout the Commonwealth in January and February have been a financial shock and burden to customers,” the letter opens. “This spike has caused real pain and has been seized upon by climate deniers and opponents of clean energy.” (RELATED: One Of America’s Priciest Green Boondoggles May Be Going Offline After Sucking Up Subsidies And Incinerating Birds)

View this document on Scribd

Letter on Gas Price Spikes to Maura Healey by Boston 25 Desk

“In 2023 alone, Massachusetts gas customers were charged $160 million to hook up additional buildings to the gas system, an average cost of nearly $10,000 per new customer for infrastructure that only serves those customers,” the letter continues.

The letter demands quicker action on lowering utility bills, outlining the first step as reducing infrastructure spending unless it is “financially appropriate.”

The document also claims that local “gas companies are charging ratepayers for their lobbying, advertising, and other expenses,” through a “loophole.” It also states that under the “reform the obligation to serve” request that “the 2024 climate law indicated that gas utilities can no longer be compelled to serve customers where alternatives to distributed gas are available.”

The letter included steps to lower energy bills, which prompted critics to point to Sierra Club’s expensive energy policy goals. Sierra Club advocates for 100% clean energy by 2050, according to its website. The Institute for Energy Research writes that it would cost trillions of dollars to enact this goal, citing studies from both Wood Mackenzie and American Action Forum, which estimate that this policy, shared with the Green New Deal, is unrealistic and expensive.

“It’s not fast enough to help with energy burden,” Vick Mohanka, the chapter director for Sierra Club’s Massachusetts chapter, told Boston 25 News. “It’s 100% on our bills and we’re paying more profits on this than other states,” she said.

The chapter dubs its state as “a leader” when it comes to “tackling climate change.” The group’s website reads that “Massachusetts has been rated #1 among all states for energy efficiency four years in a row,” and that the state was “one of the first states to pass aggressive climate change goals.”

Sierra Club Massachusetts did not respond to the DCNF’s request for comment.

We need a multi-trillion dollar investment in the infrastructure necessary to weather and avert climate change, not a bipartisan bill with climate deniers. #NoClimateNoDeal. pic.twitter.com/nDEH2Xxchz

— Sierra Club (@SierraClub) June 23, 2021

“Each year, gas utilities spend more than $1 billion to replace aging methane gas pipelines in Massachusetts, costs that are increasingly passed onto consumers in the form of rising delivery rates, meaning some residents are stuck with a $400+ bill even before they use any gas,” a spokesperson for HEETlabs wrote to the DCNF. “Governor Healey and the Massachusetts State Legislature can lower utility costs consumers by reining in this utility spending.”

The spokesperson also pointed to research from Our World in Data, E & E News, Bloomberg, IRENA, Trading Economics and Nuveen that might indicate that renewable energy is a “safe and sustainable” supply of energy.

 A spokesperson for Healey’s office told Boston 25 News that “energy costs are too high in Massachusetts and Governor Healey is focused on bringing them down.”

“Governor Healey has already taken action to lower people’s bills by $220 million in March and April, and her plan would save nearly $6 billion for electric and gas customers over the next five years,” they continued. “She also agrees that more needs to be done. Governor Healey will be filing legislation in the coming weeks to lower costs further, and she appreciates everyone’s ideas and advocacy on this important issue.”

The Executive Office of Energy and Environmental Affairs and Healey’s office did not respond to the DCNF’s request for comment.

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The Science of Misdirection

Who doesn’t love a good magician? Yes, they can be a bit cheesy at times, but a good one can make you believe that they actually do have magical powers. Of course, the truth is far more mundane. Despite appearances, these folk are not supernatural, they are just masters of misdirection. If you want to get all sciency about it, the trickery relies upon the fact that we don’t notice what we aren’t paying attention to, and so the magician makes sure that we are paying attention to the wrong thing.

From Climate Scepticism

By John Ridgway

And the misdirection of science

Who doesn’t love a good magician? Yes, they can be a bit cheesy at times, but a good one can make you believe that they actually do have magical powers. Of course, the truth is far more mundane. Despite appearances, these folk are not supernatural, they are just masters of misdirection. If you want to get all sciency about it, the trickery relies upon the fact that we don’t notice what we aren’t paying attention to, and so the magician makes sure that we are paying attention to the wrong thing. A good magician can do this so subtly that we are not aware that our focus of attention is being manipulated. It’s not so much that they are being dishonest with their audience; they are just taking advantage of our inability to process all of the information in real time. It’s an inability for which we must blame evolution, since natural selection has favoured those with an ability to focus their attention.

But you don’t have to buy tickets for a cabaret act in order to experience the wonders of misdirection. It surrounds you everywhere you go. Just ask the behavioural scientists and they will tell you just how easy it is to influence the decisions of we poor, intuitive thinkers with our cognitive biases. What is far less appreciated, however, is that even within the realm of scientific research, where analytical thinking is the eel’s eyebrows, much can still be achieved in terms of public misdirection, and it doesn’t require scientific malpractice or outright deception. But whilst this has always been appreciated by your average climate sceptic, it has taken until now for a pair of philosophy professors to draw the rest of the world’s attention to this important phenomenon.

Earlier this year, a paper appeared in Philosophy of Science (the ‘Official Journal of the Philosophy of Science Association’) highlighting the problem. The abstract reads:

There are myriad techniques industry actors use to shape the public understanding of science. While a naive view might assume these techniques typically involve fraud or outright deception, the truth is more nuanced. This paper analyzes industrial distraction, a common technique where industry actors fund and share research that is accurate, often high-quality, but nonetheless misleading on important matters of fact. This involves reshaping causal understanding of phenomena with distracting information.

The headline example offered by the paper is that of Coca-Cola, who funded a great deal of legitimate and high quality research establishing the health benefits of exercise, thereby distracting attention away from the health problems associated with their own product. No one was suggesting that there was any fraud or outright deception involved, just a very subtle but effective sleight of hand. The paper continues with much talk about the tobacco industry and what they had got up to in the past (cue Oreskes and Conway). Predictably enough, it isn’t too long before the climate sceptics also appear within the paper’s crosshairs:

Consider the recent transition from fossil fuels to wind power, intended to prevent the harms of global warming. The oil and gas industry spent decades obfuscating the link between fossil fuels and global warming, but their ability to plausibly do so is waning (Oreskes and Conway 2011). Instead, a number of prominent Republican lawmakers in the United States—backed by powerful oil and gas interests—have blamed offshore wind turbines for the deaths of whales (Hu Reference Hu2023).

The paper goes on to explain:

Legitimate scientists are indeed worried about impacts of these installations on cetaceans and have produced studies of these impacts (Quintana-Rizzo et al. Reference Quintana-Rizzo, Leiter, Cole, Hagbloom, Knowlton, Nagelkirk, Brien, Khan, Henry, Duley, Crowe, Mayo and Kraus2021; Thompson et al. Reference Thompson, David Lusseau, Simmons, Rusin and Bailey2010). But their worries are being shared cynically to distract from the more important benefits of wind energy. Others connected to the Republican party, and funded by oil and gas, have emphasized the impacts of wind turbines on birds, despite evidence of fossil fuel’s much more serious impacts on bird life (Katovich Reference Katovich2023; Sovacool Reference Sovacool2013; Bateman et al. Reference Bateman, Chad Wilsey and Joanna Wu2020).

I don’t wish to argue the rights and wrongs of the impacts being referred to above (these are topics discussed elsewhere, such as here and here). Instead, what I want to do is clarify the real nature of the misdirection we are dealing with here. Whilst the paper chooses to feature examples of ‘industrial distraction’ allegedly perpetrated by climate sceptics, it distracts attention away from the many examples in which sleight of hand is clearly used by climate scientists and activists alike. The paper is in many respects perfectly sound in its description of the phenomenon (I particularly like its use of Bayesian causal networks to demonstrate how the reshaping of causal understanding works), and yet through its choice of examples it is, to quote its own abstract, “reshaping causal understanding of phenomena with distracting information.”

To illustrate that point, I refer once more to the important observations made by climate scientist Patrick T. Brown, when he commented upon the nature of published research quantifying the causation of wildfires:

I knew not to try to quantify key aspects other than climate change in my research because it would dilute the story that prestigious journals like Nature and its rival, Science, want to tell.

Quantification is, of course, the key issue here. A causal model relating to wildfires should include both climatic and non-climatic causations, and quantitative research has to cover all elements of the model. By focusing entirely upon the quantification of climatic causations we end up ‘reshaping causal understanding of phenomena with distracting information.” As Brown put it himself:

To put it bluntly, climate science has become less about understanding the complexities of the world and more about serving as a kind of Cassandra, urgently warning the public about the dangers of climate change. However understandable this instinct may be, it distorts a great deal of climate science research, misinforms the public, and most importantly, makes practical solutions more difficult to achieve.

The dearth of published papers quantifying the non-climatic causations alongside the climatic ones bears out Brown’s accusation, and yet, rather than accepting that Brown’s observations provide a perfect example of endemic ‘industrial distraction’ within a particular branch of climate science, the reaction was one of hysterical dismissal, as if the very idea that sound but incomplete research could ever be a feature of climate science. And the really galling thing is that the very same people who were frothing at the mouth to hear Brown speak, would no doubt cheer from the side-lines, enthusiastically waving their tiny ‘No planet B’ flags, after reading the Philosophy of Science paper.

The reality is there is barely a single example in which climate change, as a causation of environmental impact, is not embroiled with other non-climatic causations. And yet, time and again, it is the climate change impact that is emphasised in reports. We see it in wildfire causation, in which no attempt is made to quantify the impact resulting from the deterioration of forest management practices or the reduction of fire protection assets (or indeed trends in arson and the increased human/forest boundary). We see it in flooding, in which the impacts of deforestation are not quantified alongside those of climate change. We see it in loss of species, in which habitat loss is mentioned in passing but too often is not treated as the primary causation. We see it in heat-related excess mortality, the numbers for which are forever thrust on the front pages with nary a mention of the much greater cold-related mortality rates. In fact, much of the website you are now on is devoted to the exposure of the extent to which ‘industrial distraction’ aligns with the focus of climate research and also skews the reporting of the science. And yet when a couple of philosophy professors finally suss that such subtleties as research focus can distort causal narratives, they can’t find a single example to support the sceptic’s case!

Quantified causal models provide a bedrock for scientific understanding. But one should never forget that they are just that: models. They are a map of the landscape rather than the landscape itself. As such, they provide a map whose contours are formed by mounds of evidence. Furthermore, the heights of these mounds are just as much a reflection of the effort expended in evidence collection as they are a faithful representation of the territory; a level of effort that will usually be determined by an explorer’s agenda. As I explained many moons ago:

But a word of warning here. The evidential terrain is not the territory – it is the map. Furthermore, it is a map that has been drawn up by explorers who may not have visited all areas, and so vital high-ground may be missing. It is easy to be confident in a homespun proposition if one steadfastly stays at home.

This appreciation of the concepts not only predates the revelations of our two philosophy professors, it is also one that offers an insight that is much less value-laden, since it does not require the presence of cynicism. So-called industrial distraction can indeed be a conscious intent, but it can also simply be the inevitable but unintended outcome of curiosity married to a particular goal. As such, no lobby group should be singled out as being uniquely guilty or adept. Unfortunately, the Philosophy of Science paper does exactly that. So whilst being a paper about industrial distraction, it simultaneously serves as being one of the worst examples of the phenomenon that I have come across in a long, long time. Which is a shame but I have to say, in view of the current state of academia, not at all surprising. 

Alaskans cheer Trump’s reopening of ANWR

George and Billy Pratt and Sam McCord found gold when they went “north to Alaska” “in the year of ’92.” As Johnny Horton reminded America in 1960, “They crossed the Yukon River and found the Bonanza gold” in the land of the Midnight Sun.

From CFACT

By Duggan Flanakin

George and Billy Pratt and Sam McCord found gold when they went “north to Alaska” “in the year of ’92.” As Johnny Horton reminded America in 1960, “They crossed the Yukon River and found the Bonanza gold” in the land of the Midnight Sun.

Gold mining continues to be a significant source of income in Alaska, especially now that gold is selling at an all-time high – over $3,000 per ounce, up 35% since January 2024, thanks in part to a surge in central bank purchases of gold as a hedge against inflation. The value of gold produced in Alaska has jumped by over 60% in the past 14 months.

But there’s another kind of gold in Seward’s Folly – “black gold, Texas tea,” the stuff that made Jed Clampett a Beverly Hillbilly. The first Alaskan oil well with commercial production was completed in 1902 – during the heyday of the gold rush – and that small oilfield led to construction of the first oil refinery in the Alaska Territory.

But it was the 1957 discovery of oil at Swanson River that, as Alaska Governor William Egan said, “the economic justification for statehood for Alaska.” When two Atlantic Richfield geologists announced completion of the company’s first Alaska well, it set off a flurry of economic activity that some compared to the 1890s gold rush.

Two years later, the same year Alaska achieved statehood, Unocal discovered a major gas field near the Swanson River oilfield. Then in 1968, Atlantic Richfield and Humble Oil discovered the North Slope’s Prudhoe Bay field, which contained so much oil the industry built the Trans-Alaska Pipeline. Twenty years later, though, Alaska’s oil production began a dramatic decline, from over 500 million to under 200 million barrels a year.

As of 2021, however, Alaska’s proven oil reserves amounted to 3.13 billion barrels, not including the 2018 U.S. Geological Survey estimate of 10.4 billion barrels of “undiscovered, technically recoverable oil resources in ANWR.” Still, two related issues have held back oil and gas exploration and production in Alaska – political opposition and industry response to political opposition.

During Donald Trump’s first term, Public Law No: 115-97 authorized leasing on about 8% of the 19-million-acre Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. The USGS upped its estimated reserves total to 16 billion barrels – plus untold amounts of often associated natural gas.

After a 3-year court battle, the first lease sale was allowed to proceed in January 2021. The change in political climate left the first of two required lease sales generating less than $15 million in high bids, mostly by the Alaska Industrial Development and Export Authority (AIDEA).

A week after AIDEA signed its leases, President Joe Biden ordered a temporary moratorium on implementation of the Coastal Plain oil and gas leasing program and demanded a new environmental impact statement. Interior Secretary Deb Haaland canceled them in 2023, citing flawed environmental analysis.

To nearly everyone’s surprise, however, the Biden Bureau of Land Management authorized ConocoPhillips to drill up to 199 wells at three sites in the 24-million-acre Alaska National Petroleum Reserve, which lies west of ANWR on Alaska’s North Slope. Nine months later, ConocoPhillips construction had begun, with first production expected by 2029.

Then came the November 2024 election. The victorious President Trump had promised to revitalize the Alaskan oil and gas industry, and just days after the election Alaska Governor Mike Dunleavy asked for a state-specific executive order to set in motion “critical agency actions that would restore opportunity in Alaska.”

To no one’s surprise, President Trump’s first-day executive order, “Unleashing Alaska’s Extraordinary Resource Potential,” restored his first-term policies for Alaska. The order reopened ANWR and NPR-Alaska and charged Interior Secretary Doug Burgum to “initiate additional leasing” and issue all permits and easements necessary for oil and gas exploration and development in lease areas.

The Biden administration had canceled the required end of 2024 lease after postponing it to January 10, 2025, citing a lack of interest. No wonder, said Trump, they were not offering any acreage anyone wanted. Alaska’s take, expressed in a new lawsuit, was that the terms of sale were too restrictive.

On March 20, Secretary Burgum announced steps to open about 20 million acres (82%) of the NPR-Alaska to leasing and development and to reopen the 1.56-million-acre ANWR coastal plain. He also lifted restrictions on land along the Trans-Alaska Pipeline Corridor and Dalton Highway and conveyed the land to the State of Alaska, paving the way for construction of the proposed Ambler Road and the Alaska Liquefied Natural Gas Pipeline project.

The move pleased both Governor Dunleavy and Kaktovik Inupiat Corporation President Charles Lampe, who said his indigenous community had “fought for years for our right to self-determination and local economic development.”

Five days later, a federal judge reversed the Biden administration’s cancellation of the 2021 ANWR oil and gas leases, giving at least a symbolic victory to AIDEA, which had purchased the leases at least in part to protect the state’s interest in resource development “when the private sector has been blocked or discouraged from participation.”

AIDEA had a list of objections, but the one that mattered to the court was that Haaland ignored a statutory requirement of the Naval Petroleum Reserves Production Act of 1976 to obtain a court order to cancel the leases.

While Senator Dan Sullivan (R, AK) said of Trump’s executive order, “It is morning again in Alaska,” some U.S. oil and gas executives were less sanguine. American Petroleum Institute spokesperson Dustin Meyers said, “There is always the risk that these areas could be reclosed after the next election cycle.”

Perhaps because drilling in Alaska’s North Slope is a high-risk endeavor that involves time and money, one oil company executive said many companies are unlikely to pursue exploration and development, even if they do seek leases, without an act of Congress to codify the Trump executive order into a law that could not be as easily reversed.

Many may wait to see the public’s reaction to the administration’s efforts to thwart the California electric vehicle (zero emissions) mandate, which has also been adopted by several other states.

But global demand for oil and gas has been exploding.

A 2023 report cited a resurgence in Latin America driven by regulatory reforms, vast untapped reserves, and technological advancements. That report also noted East Africa, the eastern Mediterranean, east Asia, and the Arctic Circle in Russia, Canada, and Alaska as hot spots for investment with the right political climate.

On January 3, Oilfield Workers took a broad look at the status of the industry and concluded that,
for the workforce, a renewed focus on energy security is translating into heightened activity across the entire oil and gas value chain from upstream exploration to downstream logistics and storage. The interplay “of new projects, technological advancements, and geopolitical shifts will create both challenges and opportunities,” they concluded.

Up in Alaska, the champagne has already flowed, but rebuilding the state’s vital oil and gas industry is going to take time – and money – but mostly political stability in Washington.

Will the spiritual descendants of George and Billy Pratt and Sam McCord show up to claim their shares of “black gold across the Yukon”? Or have politicians and naysayers turned that black gold into pyrite?

Recycling Power: Rethinking Nuclear Waste

The oral arguments before the Supreme Court earlier this month is a reminder that our nation has a 66-year-old nuclear energy problem – and there is a ready and available solution in recycling used nuclear fuel. 

Watts Up With That?

By Rick Perry

The oral arguments before the Supreme Court earlier this month is a reminder that our nation has a 66-year-old nuclear energy problem – and there is a ready and available solution in recycling used nuclear fuel. 

The Problem

Nuclear energy produces nearly 20% of our electricity. The fuel used to run our reactor fleet loses its intensity over time. That used, but not yet depleted, fuel is called Used Nuclear Fuel (“UNF”). There are 90,000 metric tons of UNF currently stored at reactor sites across 39 states in America, including approximately 4,000 metric tons in my home State of Texas.

In 1982, the federal government was made responsible by an act of Congress for removal and disposal of UNF from reactor sites and has collected over $20 billion from reactor owners to pay for disposal of UNF. To date, the government has not removed any significant quantity of UNF from any site anywhere in America, including Texas, nor is there a current plan to do so.

As Secretary of Energy under President Trump’s first term, it became clear that any plan to move tonnage of UNF required some practical consent of the receiving state and local community, even if legal consent was not required by the 1982 Act.  

The consequence of not solving this problem results in a financial loss to America and leaves the UNF at the numerous reactor sites across America. There have been private efforts to establish UNF interim storage facilities in West Texas and New Mexico. Though there has been some local acceptance of an interim storage facility in Texas or New Mexico, there has also been significant opposition. Resistance to those private interim storage proposals led to the NRC v. Texas case currently before the Supreme Court.

The Solution

We should rethink our approach. There are options we should consider other than storage of UNF, either temporarily on an interim basis or permanently. Our country should explore taking an entirely different path to achieve our ultimate goal:  the removal of UNF from reactor sites. Recycling UNF makes much more sense than permanent storage and creates an energy source that is needed and currently unused.

The technology for recycling was first developed in the United States and has been used in France, Japan, Russia, the Netherlands, Australia, Italy, China, Germany, Belgium and Switzerland. I have personally toured many of these reprocessing facilities in other countries during my term as Energy Secretary.

The United States should establish a recycling policy so that the 90,000 metric tons of UNF in the country can be recycled and fabricated into mixed oxide fuel (“MOX fuel”). The resulting MOX fuel can be used in nuclear reactors to create reliable and clean energy.

Through establishing a recycling policy, the following four problems would be solved, and create economic opportunities:

First, the United States can solve the national problem of moving UNF away from reactor sites as it is obligated to do. Second, the U.S. can restart the discontinued payment program of the nuclear utilities for the removal of the UNF so that the Treasury can be replenished at the rate of $2 billion annually. Third, the concern of interim or long-term storage of UNF near our population centers is also addressed. Finally, MOX fuel can replace the 20% of U.S. nuclear fuel currently purchased from Russia. 

The adoption of such a policy will create jobs and much needed energy for the grid as demand for energy skyrockets. Today, MOX fuel is widely used in Europe and Japan in their nuclear reactor fleet. America is behind its industrial neighbors in the treatment of UNF and needs to catch up.

Sometimes the greatest problems have simple and already discovered solutions.

Rick Perry is the former governor of Texas and 14th secretary of energy.

This article was originally published by RealClearEnergy and made available via RealClearWire.