
From The Forbes
By Tilak Doshi

UNIVERSAL IMAGES GROUP VIA GETTY IMAGES
Coming to a crescendo over the past few months, widespread farmersโ protests in Europe have escalated โ across the width and breadth of the continent, from Sweden to Spain, Poland to Portugal โ since they first started in the Netherlands Holland in October 2019. As tractors take over the streets and highways in wave after wave of protests, the farmers have paralyzed major transport arteries and besieged Berlin, Paris and Brussels.
More lastingly, they have changed the political landscape in key EU countries such as Netherlands. With the shock win in March by the populist Farmer-Citizen Movement (BBB), putting it ahead of the governing party in the Senate, the farmers became an important part of the equation in the countryโs political future. Major gains are expected for what the legacy media calls the โfar rightโ and โanti-Europeโ parties in theย upcoming European parliamentย elections. The farming interest has suddenly climbed to the top of the political agenda in state capitals as well as Brussels.
What happened?
Why have European farmers โ until recently, the most coddled and protected part of the continentโs body politic as it emerged from the ashes of World War II โ turned against their own governments and Brussels-based benefactors? Is it no more than a โtantrum of the ridiculously privileged?โ, asks The Economist.
Europeโs Farmers Betrayed
The picture of the proud French farmer โ half of whose income came from EU subsidies and direct payments โ as the repository of a bucolic wine-and-cheese rural culture has long been a treasured part of Europeโs identity since it adopted theย Common Agricultural Policyย in 1962. Agriculture (including forestry and fishing)ย accounts for just 1.6% of GDP. Yet it absorbs a third of the EUโs total budget and costs an estimated โฌ65 billion annually for direct payments, โagricultural market measuresโ and โrural developmentโ.
Like most government policies, CAP was implemented with the best of intentions: improving productivity, ensuring a โfair standard of livingโ for farmers, โstabilizingโ markets, establishing a secure supply chain with โreasonableโ prices, โharmonizing competition rules across all countriesโ.
But, as usual with all big government programs, the unintended consequences of an extensive system of price and market controls put in place to guarantee farmers their accustomed standard of living effectively made them wards of state, โas grand an experiment in socialist management as anything Lenin was ever able to accomplish.โ
The European Commission, the EUโs executive arm, has been hell-bent in pursuing its virtue-signaling decades-long experiment with global climate leadership. With the best of intentions โ what could better be intended than โsaving the planetโ from a climate crisis? โ the EU adopted its Farm to Fork strategy as part of the Green Deal to make agriculture consistent with being โcarbon-neutralโ by 2050. EU bureaucrats assured us that European agriculture โ a significant source of greenhouse gases โwould be rendered more โsustainableโ, โenvironmentally-friendlyโ and โbiodiverse.โ
Europeโs โwards of stateโ farmers have turned out in fury as another favored constituency โ the European Greens โ has gained ascendancy and increasingly squeezed farmersโ standards of living. Amid fierce resistance from farmers, Brusselโs bureaucrats have been forced into their first significant policy climbdown from ever-escalating climate regulations.
In early February, the EC was forced to scale back on an array of proposed mandates, taxes, subsidies and disinvestments for promoting โsustainableโ farming in an imagined post-fossil fuel โgreenโ future. It dropped the 30% reduction target on greenhouse gas emissions from farming by 2040 compared to 2015; it reversed its quota to halve pesticide use by 2030; and it will allow more land for agricultural use instead of forcing 4 percent of the land to lie fallow โto boost biodiversity and soil quality.โ Despite investing in lab-grown meat initiatives, it also agreed to stop advising EU citizens to eat less meat. In both Germany and France, governments delayed cuts to subsidies or planned increases in taxes on diesel for agricultural use.
Have The Farmers Turned โFar Rightโ?
Europeโs mainly left-of-center governments have long been under the thrall of green parties and their young, urban constituents. In Europeโs epicenter Germany, Joschka Fischer, a leading figure in the German Greens party since the 1970s, was sworn in as minister of energy and environment in Germanyโs state of Hesse in December 1985. He served as the foreign minister and as the vice-chancellor of Germany in the cabinet of Gerhard Schrรถder from 1998 to 2005. The Green party attained its high point as part of the current Chancellor Olaf Scholzโs ruling coalition. Economy Minister and Green party leader Robert Habeck nursed ambitions to lead his Green party to victory in the 2025 general election.
But much had changed by mid-2023. The DeutschlandTrend monthly survey conducted in June, measured voter support for Alternative fรผr Deutschland at 18%, putting it on a par with Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s Social Democrats. A YouGov poll published one week later (June 9th) found that 20% of German voters would give their vote to the AfD, making it the second-strongest party behind the centre-right CDU (28%) and ahead of Scholzโs SPD (19%). The resurgence of AfD, inevitably dubbed โfar rightโ by the mainstream media, has been primarily at the expense of the Greens which have been sent into free fall.
The rightward shift in politics is not restricted to Germany. According to a report based on polling data published in January by the European Council on Foreign Relations, the 2024 European Parliament elections (in June) will see โa major shift to the right in many countries, with populist radical right parties gaining votes and seats across the EU, and centre-left and green parties losing votes and seats.โ It warns that โanti-European populistsโ will likely top the polls in nine member states (Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, France, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, and Slovakia) and come second or third in a further nine countries (Bulgaria, Estonia, Finland, Germany, Latvia, Portugal, Romania, Spain, and Sweden).
Europeโs Great Farmer Revolt may prove as consequential to the regional political order as the anti-nuclear and anti-Vietnam war movements of the 1970s. Farmers have emerged as the single greatest challenge to the green agenda in Europe as their livelihoods face ever tighter climate regulations, higher costs and competition from cheap imports from Ukraine and non-EU countries. The next European parliament could block laws on Europeโs green deal and take a harder line on immigration and support for Ukraine. Populist leaders such as Franceโs Marine Le Pen (National Rally), Germanyโs Alice Weidel (AfD) and the Netherlandโs Geert Wilders (Party for Freedom) all express support for the cause of European farmers. The left-of-center mainstream media sees the farmersโ protests โplaying into the handsโ of such politicians โwho thrive on grassroots grumbling against the metropolitan elitesโ (here and here).
Europeโs Peasants and History
The “crisis of the Late Middle Ages“, known as Peasant Revolts, were often bloody uprisings and rebellions by peasants in the European countryside against the church, nobles and kings between 1300 and 1500. These rebellions were caused by some combination of declining incomes, rising inflation, taxation, famine, plague, war, and religious differences.
Five centuries later, the European peasantry has once again been goaded to fury. Images of sprayed manure in the entrances of government buildings and select politiciansโ houses and a Paris under siege with its supermarket shelves empty of fresh produce have gone viral on Twitter/X and other alternative media. The mainstream media, concerned as it is by โthe inexorable rise of far-right nationalistsโ, has largely muted such inconvenient images.
Can European farmers reverse their ruling elitesโ mantra of โnet zero by 2050โ and devotion to global climate leadership? Or will this just be merely a temporary stalling of the green agenda, a tactical concession by liberal politicians and Brussels-based bureaucrats to farmersโ demands for relief from ever-tightening EU environmental restrictions? Only time will tell but hope remains that the Great Farmer Revolt will bring some semblance of rationality to Europeโs climate policies.
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I have worked in the oil and gas sector as an economist in both private industry and in think tanks, in Asia, the Middle East and the US over the past 25 years. I focus on global energy developments from the perspective of Asian countries that remain large markets for oil, gas and coal. I have written extensively on the areas of economic development, environment and energy economics. My publications include โSingapore in a Post-Kyoto World: Energy, Environment and the Economyโ published by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (2015). I won the 1984 Robert S. McNamara Research Fellow award of the World Bank and received my Ph.D. in Economics in 1992.






























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