Reforming the National Climate Assessment: A Call for Sanity Over Alarmism

The U.S. National Climate Assessment (NCA) has long been touted as a cornerstone of the federal government’s climate agenda, a hefty tome meant to guide policy and inform the public about the perils of a warming world. But according to Patrick Brown, a climate scientist at the Breakthrough Institute, the NCA is less a beacon of scientific rigor and more a megaphone for partisan alarmism.

From Watts Up With That?

By Charles Rotter

The U.S. National Climate Assessment (NCA) has long been touted as a cornerstone of the federal government’s climate agenda, a hefty tome meant to guide policy and inform the public about the perils of a warming world. But according to Patrick Brown, a climate scientist at the Breakthrough Institute, the NCA is less a beacon of scientific rigor and more a megaphone for partisan alarmism. In a recent article for The Breakthrough Journal (Spring 2024, No. 20), Brown lays out five practical recommendations to overhaul the NCA, aiming to make it a tool for genuine understanding rather than a cudgel for political mobilization. For our readers, his critique hits familiar notes—exposing the biases and hype baked into the climate establishment’s flagship report—while offering a path toward something more credible.

Brown’s starting point is a simple truth: the NCA, as it stands, is a one-sided affair. Released every few years under the auspices of the U.S. Global Change Research Program, it’s a document that reflects the priorities of whoever’s in power—lately, that’s been Democrats with a taste for apocalyptic rhetoric. But with a new administration on the horizon and a growing chorus of skeptics questioning the climate orthodoxy, Brown’s ideas couldn’t come at a better time. Here’s a rundown of his five fixes, and why they matter to anyone tired of being fed a steady diet of climate doom.

1. Include Exposure and Vulnerability, Not Just Physical Hazards

The NCA loves to spotlight “climate hazards”—floods, heatwaves, wildfires—as if they’re solely the spawn of rising CO2 levels. Brown calls this out as myopic. A real assessment of risk doesn’t just tally up weather events; it factors in exposure (how many people or assets are in harm’s way) and vulnerability (how well they can cope). Think about it: a hurricane hitting a sparsely populated coast in 1900 isn’t the same as one slamming into Miami today. Population growth, urban sprawl, and shoddy infrastructure often drive disaster costs far more than a few degrees of warming. By ignoring these, the NCA inflates climate’s role and dodges the messy reality of human decisions.

For skeptics, this is a no-brainer—stop blaming the atmosphere for bad zoning laws.

2. Analyze Total Risk, Not Just “Additional” Risk from Climate Change

Here’s where the NCA’s tunnel vision gets absurd. It fixates on the “additional” risk tacked on by climate change, as if the baseline risk from nature’s tantrums doesn’t matter. Brown gives an example: if heat-related deaths are dropping overall (thanks to air conditioning and better healthcare), but climate change nudges them up slightly, the NCA screams about the uptick while burying the bigger story of progress. This cherry-picking fuels the narrative that every problem is a climate problem, even when the data says otherwise. Readers here know the game—hype the delta, hide the trend. Brown wants the NCA to show the full picture: total risk, not just the climate boogeyman.

3. Address Publication Bias Head-On

The NCA leans heavily on peer-reviewed studies, which sounds great until you realize the academic machine churns out papers skewed toward dramatic findings. Brown points to “publication bias”—the tendency for journals to favor studies showing big, scary climate impacts over those finding little or nothing. A paper saying “warming might not hurt corn yields” doesn’t get the same love as one predicting famines. This distorts the NCA’s conclusions, making climate change look like a relentless juggernaut. Brown’s fix? Force the NCA to wrestle with this bias explicitly—maybe even seek out the ignored studies. For those of us who’ve long suspected the science is cooked to fit the narrative, this is a welcome jab at the ivory tower.

4. Focus on Description, Not Mobilization

The NCA isn’t shy about its agenda—it’s less a report and more a call to arms, dripping with urgency to “act now” on emissions. Brown argues this activist slant undermines its credibility. Science should describe what is, not preach what we ought to do. When the NCA doubles as a policy cheerleader, it alienates half the country—especially those who see climate action as a Trojan horse for bigger government or economic upheaval. Brown wants it to stick to facts: what’s happening, how certain are we, and what’s the range of outcomes? No rallying cries, no guilt trips. It’s a refreshing nod to objectivity in a debate drowning in propaganda.

5. Establish a “Red Team” Review Process

Perhaps Brown’s boldest idea is a “red team” review—a formal challenge to the NCA’s conclusions by an independent group of experts. Think of it as a scientific audit, poking holes in assumptions and testing the robustness of claims. The climate establishment hates this concept (remember the backlash to Scott Pruitt’s EPA proposal?), but it’s hard to argue against if you value transparency. A red team could expose weak spots—like overhyped models or dodgy attribution—and force the NCA to justify itself. For skeptics, this is the holy grail: a chance to break the echo chamber and let dissenting voices breathe.

Why It Matters

Brown’s reforms aren’t about doubting climate change, as he’s a believer, perhaps a lukewarmer, but about making the NCA a document both sides can trust. Right now, it’s a partisan football—kicked around by progressives when they’re in charge, ignored or dismantled by conservatives when the pendulum swings. With Trump back in the White House and Doge eyeing the budget axe, the NCA’s future is shaky. Brown’s vision might save it from irrelevance or deletion by grounding it in reality over ideology.

This critique aligns with what we’ve said for years: the climate narrative is oversold, oversimplified, and over politicized. Brown’s not tossing the NCA out—he’s trying to salvage it from its own excesses. Whether the climate elite will listen is another story. They’ve got a lot invested in the doom train—careers, grants, moral superiority. But if the NCA keeps peddling half-truths, it’ll only deepen the divide between the alarmists and the rest of us who just want straight answers.

Check out Brown’s full piece at The Breakthrough Institute here. It’s a rare case of a climate insider calling out his own side’s nonsense.

Trump is unravelling the Climate Blob at full speed

Donald Trump is not wasting time unpacking the mess.   In a blockbuster sweep he’s ordered the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to immediately “stop work connected to climate change” and eliminate “climate-related terms” across the agency, and to the “maximum extent permitted by the law”. Homeland Security is supposed to be guarding the USA against terrorists, hackers, disasters and other threats, so this is a major refocusing exercise for an agency that was wandering in the dark trying to hold back the sea and prevent droughts and floods with windmills and LED lights.

From JoNova

By Jo Nova

Wake up Patsy States! Trump dumps “climate change” and creates a *Council of National Energy Dominance*

Donald Trump is not wasting time unpacking the mess.   In a blockbuster sweep he’s ordered the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to immediately “stop work connected to climate change” and eliminate “climate-related terms” across the agency, and to the “maximum extent permitted by the law”. Homeland Security is supposed to be guarding the USA against terrorists, hackers, disasters and other threats, so this is a major refocusing exercise for an agency that was wandering in the dark trying to hold back the sea and prevent droughts and floods with windmills and LED lights.

The DHS was set up in response to the Sept 11 terrorist attacks, so it was only 22 years old, yet it had already mutated into an agency that that was “working to inform the American people about climate-related risks, including extreme heat, flooding, wildfire, and drought, and to provide them with clear information about how to reduce those risks. ” In other words, it was a walking-talking scare machine to squeeze more money out of taxpayers to feed The Big Government Blob. The official webpage now has a label saying “Archived Content“.

In true Donald Trump style — stripping the climate barnacles off is not enough, and he’s set up the National Energy Dominance Council. The US doesn’t just need some energy it needs to have more energy than everyone else in the world. “We’re going to make more money than anybody’s ever made with energy,’ said Trump. The race is on. Patsies-beware: he’s thrown down the gauntlet to any leaders still talking about the end of fossil fuels.

The last time around, in 2017 Trump pulled out of Paris but didn’t “interfere with the US IPCC engagement”.  This time he’s pulled the pin and blocked the State Department from sending a team to China for the next round of Paris Agreement extortion. Since the US is pulling out of the Paris agreement this would have been an entirely frivolous junket.

It’s all so exquisitely neat and bureaucratically brutal:

US: Trump ends climate work inside agency that responds to disasters

Bloomberg

In a continuing slew of stories being generated by the Trump administration’s attempts to destroy US climate-focused policies, Bloomberg reports that “top officials at the US Department of Homeland Security received a memo on Friday ordering an immediate stop to work connected to climate change and the elimination of climate-related terms across the agency”. The outlet adds: “The memo instructs senior office heads to ‘eliminate all climate change activities and the use of climate change terminology in DHS policies and programs, to the maximum extent permitted by the law’, according to the document seen by Bloomberg News.

Look at the language — energy is now “liquid gold”:

Trump creates council for ‘energy dominance,’ boosts natural gas exports and offshore drilling

Matthew Daly, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump on Friday signed an executive order formally creating a National Energy Dominance Council and directed it to move quickly to drive up already record-setting domestic oil and gas production.

“We’re going to make more money than anybody’s ever made with energy,’’ Trump said at an event Friday in the Oval Office. The United States has “clean energy, very clean beautiful energy. We’re lucky to have it. I call it liquid gold under our feet. And we’re going to utilize it.”

The new council, to be headed by Burgum, will be granted sweeping authority over federal agencies involved in energy permitting, production, generation, distribution, regulation and transportation, with a mandate to cut bureaucratic red tape, enhance private sector investments and focus on innovation instead of “totally unnecessary regulation,” Trump said.

No more junkets for climate minions, and no more juice to feed the UN:

Trump pulls US out of key global climate assessment, sources say

By Valerie Volcovici, Reuters

WASHINGTON, Feb 20 (Reuters) – The Trump administration has halted the participation of U.S. scientists in key U.N. climate change assessments, two sources familiar with the situation told Reuters, part of its broader withdrawal from climate change mitigation efforts and multilateral cooperation. 

The stop-work order affects staff members of the U.S. Global Change Research Program and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration who engage with a key working group of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.

And no more apologies for using or producing fossil fuels. Excellent.

Battery Storage Fire in Essex

Yet another one!
The fire was caused by a fault in one of the battery cells within a single containerised battery unit, leading to ignition. Fire crews have been on-site since the call came in, working to prevent the fire from spreading and ensuring the situation remains safe.

From NOT A LOT OF PEOPLE KNOW THAT

By Paul Homewood

Yet another one!

Firefighters are currently responding to a fire at a battery energy storage site (BESS), currently under construction in East Tilbury.

The site consists of multiple containers housing battery units.

The fire was caused by a fault in one of the battery cells within a single containerised battery unit, leading to ignition. Fire crews have been on-site since the call came in, working to prevent the fire from spreading and ensuring the situation remains safe.

Area Manager Dan Partridge said:
“Our firefighters have worked quickly and effectively alongside the site owners and Thurrock Council to manage this fire safely. Through close monitoring and a carefully controlled response, we have contained the fire and made sure there is no risk to the wider community.”

Firefighters have been using specialist equipment, including thermal imaging cameras and drones, to monitor temperatures and manage the fire in a controlled manner. Water has been used to prevent heat transfer, and crews continue to oversee the situation.

Thanks to the swift response and collaborative efforts, the fire is under control. Crews are expected to remain on-site for the rest of the day to make sure the area is completely safe.

An investigation into the cause of the fire will take place once it has been fully extinguished and conditions allow.

https://www.essex-fire.gov.uk/incidents/firefighters-respond-battery-storage-site-fire-east-tilbury-2025-02-19-15-51

$18000 Climate Doomsday Clock Unveiled in Melbourne

The clock counts down to 2030, when apparently, we are all doomed.

From Watts Up With That?

Essay by Eric Worrall

The clock counts down to 2030, when apparently, we are all doomed.

Residents divided as Aussie council erects $18,000 clock in countdown to ‘doomsday’ deadline

It counts down the days, hours and minutes until a pivotal moment in our fight against climate change. But not all are enjoying the message.

Joe Attanasio
Senior Reporter
Fri 21 February 2025 at 8:06 am AEST

A thought-provoking art installation in a major inner-city public garden has continued to spark mixed reactions with locals seemingly divided by the controversial work.

The $18,000 piece features a countdown clock tracking the days, hours, and minutes until 2030 — a pivotal year for climate action in Australia, marked by key national and international targets.

…

Speaking to Yahoo News Australia, a City spokesman said the price is “a small part of a modest budget” that goes towards “supporting emerging local artists”. In comparison, the Ouroboros work in Canberra — based on the ancient story of a snake eating its own tail— cost a reported $14 million.

…

n Fitzroy, a young woman walking through the park on Thursday appeared to enjoy the clock. “It’s kind of cool … it makes you think,” she told 7News. “The people in this area probably already know what’s going on,” her companion said. “Maybe it could have been put somewhere else, like Brighton.”

…

On the other end of the scale, one local man hit out at what he described as “bulls**t in my face”.

“Truthfully, it’s just crap,” he said. “I’d like to just keep living peacefully and happily and enjoy this park.”

…Read more: 

https://au.news.yahoo.com/residents-divided-as-aussie-council-erects-18000-clock-in-countdown-to-doomsday-deadline-220605666.html

Does this art installation motivate you to reduce your personal CO2 emissions?

I’ve got to say the council didn’t receive a lot for the money they paid to the artist.

The plinth was already present – it apparently used to belong to a statue of Queen Victoria which disappeared under mysterious circumstances 120 years ago. The University of Melbourne is nearby, which raises obvious suspicions – I doubt the students of 120 years ago were much different to the students of today.

The doomsday clock appears to be a few pieces of welded steel sheet and cheap square section, an electronic display which looks like it was salvaged from a road work sign, and a $200 solar panel. Other components could include a low cost microcontroller, a display controller and a backup battery inside to keep the numbers ticking.

I’ve made devices with similar components as part of my professional work. The materials required to make something like this can be sourced for a lot less than $18000.

But I guess the issue of receiving value for money is for local government voters to decide.

I’m curious whether the clock thing will run out of electricity in winter, at 37.8º South, Melbourne winters tend to be overcast and dreary. The sun drops low in the sky, and the length of day drops to a minimum of around nine hours.

Those big bright LED signs consume a fair bit of electricity, possibly too much for the attached solar panel, if that is what it is. The “clock” also appears to be overshadowed by trees, though some of the trees in Fitzroy Gardens are deciduous which might help a bit.

If anyone happens to notice the clock running out of juice or sees someone sneaking in with a battery pack to give it a boost, please send us a photo for our entertainment – though it is possible there is a fossil fuel sourced grid backup power supply built into the plinth, just in case the solar panel doesn’t cover the climate doomsday clock’s energy needs.

Renewable Subsidies Set to Top £12 Billion In 2024

CfD subsidies cost us all a record £2372 million last year.

From NOT A LOT OF PEOPLE KNOW THAT

By Paul Homewood

CfD subsidies cost us all a record £2372 million last year.

https://dp.lowcarboncontracts.uk/dataset/actual-cfd-generation-and-avoided-ghg-emissions

Since the scheme started in 2016, the total cost has amounted to £9.7 billion.

Of last year’s £2.4 billion, wind power made up £2.0 billion, with biomass accounting for most of the rest.

With strike prices for new offshore wind agreed in last year’s AR6 CfD round currently standing at around £84/MWh, it is worth noting the market price used for calculating subsidies averaged £66/MWh last year.

Meanwhile ROC subsidies continue to climb, with Y/E March 2024 reaching a new high of £6883 million:

https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/energy-trends-section-6-renewables

DESNZ only have ROC data to September 2024, but the 12 months to then work out at a cost of £7.7 billion at current prices.

And on top of that come Feed in Tariffs, the subsidy scheme for small scale renewable generators, which cost £1.8 billion in 2023/24.

https://www.ofgem.gov.uk/publications/feed-tariffs-annual-report-scheme-year-14-april-2023-march-2024

Altogether the three schemes, CfD, ROC and FIT, are likely to have cost energy bill payers more than £12 billion during 2024, when all the data is in.

Since 2010, the combined cost has exceeded £90 billion.

Laughably OFGEM’s logo says they are making a positive difference for energy consumers.

You can say that again!!

Debunking the 2023 hike in the Social Cost of Carbon

I have a new paper out in the journal Nature Scientific Reports in which I re-examine some empirical work regarding agricultural yield changes under CO2-induced climate warming. An influential 2017 study had argued that warming would cause large losses in agricultural outputs on a global scale, and this played a large role in an upward revision to the Biden Administration’s Social Cost of Carbon (SCC) estimate, which drives regulatory decision in US climate rulemaking. I show that a lot of data had been left out of the statistical modeling, and once it is included there was no evidence of yield losses even out to 5 C warming.

From Climate Etc.

by Ross McKitrick

I have a new paper out in the journal Nature Scientific Reports in which I re-examine some empirical work regarding agricultural yield changes under CO2-induced climate warming. An influential 2017 study had argued that warming would cause large losses in agricultural outputs on a global scale, and this played a large role in an upward revision to the Biden Administration’s Social Cost of Carbon (SCC) estimate, which drives regulatory decision in US climate rulemaking. I show that a lot of data had been left out of the statistical modeling, and once it is included there was no evidence of yield losses even out to 5 C warming.

Background

In 2023 a team of economists working for the Biden Administration concluded the SCC needed to be increased by a considerable amount. The higher the SCC, the costlier the regulatory burden that can be justified by the agency. This not only affected US regulations but Canada’s as well since our own environment ministry adopted the new US values when justifying a sweeping set of new greenhouse gas regulations. I wrote an op-ed about the SCC change in May 2023 in which I drew attention to the important role played by a revision to projected agricultural yield damages. While it is difficult to trace where, precisely, all the changes came from, I estimate about $50 of an approximately $100 increase in the 2030 value of the SCC (holding the discount rate constant) was attributable to the revised agricultural yield damage estimates.

These revisions were attributed to estimates of crop yield losses from a 2017 paper published in Nature Communications by Frances Moore et al. called “New science of climate change impacts on agriculture implies higher social cost of carbon.” I’ll call that paper M17. I was familiar with this paper because Kevin Dayaratna and I had studied it while preparing a response to a comment by Philip Meyer on a paper of ours on the SCC. I knew, for instance, that M17 used a data set originally developed for a 2014 paper published in Nature Climate Change by Andy Challinor et al. called “A meta-analysis of crop yield under climate change and adaptation.” I’ll refer to that one as C14. But C14 and M17 had different implications about the impact of CO2-induced warming on crop yields. In the C14 model CO2 fertilization offsets the damage from warming, whereas in M17 the combined effect is negative for most crops across most warming paths. So why the difference?

It was not possible to tell simply by reading the papers. Neither one provided a detailed explanation of its regression analysis. M17, in particular, did not report its regression results nor was its model directly comparable to C14. So in 2023 I decided to get the data and try to replicate both sets of findings. While both papers said the data was available online at a website called http://www.ag-impacts.org no such site currently exists, and the Wayback machine entries did not include any data. I emailed Moore to ask for her data, but she was at that time working for the Biden Administration and her university email was inactive. I then reached out to Challinor who replied promptly and sent me his data set.

The C14 Dataset

The data was a compilation of results from many crop yield simulations done by other authors around the world. The file was an Excel spreadsheet with 1,722 rows each containing numerous variables drawn from the underlying studies including the crop type, study location, change in CO2 level (dC), change in temperature (dT), change in precipitation (dP), change in yield (dY), whether adaptation was included, and various other details. It was immediately apparent that many of the dC entries were missing. In fact only half of the data set appeared usable for regression modeling, which Challinor confirmed had been the case. It was a straightforward matter to replicate the Challinor results since they were based on a simple linear regression. The number of usable data rows in the version I received was slightly different from that reported in C14 and my replication was not exact, but it was close enough.

The M17 regression model was much more ornate than C14 since they included all possible cross-product terms plus some additional temperature data Moore’s coauthor Tom Hertel sent me. My coefficient estimates were similar to those reported in M17 but again not exact. I then used the M17 regression results to construct yield projections by crop type. I was able to compare my estimates to some unpublished calculations sent to me by Moore after she had finished her secondment in Washington. My replications were again not exact but pretty close so I was satisfied I was on the right track.

Many of the differences between M17 and C14 came down to different choices in setting up the regression equation. C14 allowed the CO2 fertilization effect to be linear as concentrations rose, whereas M17 imposed diminishing returns. In one version of my analysis I employed a flexible regression model that allowed the data to determine the response and it turned out to be close to linear, supporting the C14 version. But a referee later objected to my approach and while I didn’t agree with the objections I removed that discussion since it wasn’t necessary for the paper’s main point. M17 also restricted the role of adaptation so that if no climate change happened (dC = dT = 0) adaptation alone could not boost yields. This was a reasonable assumption to impose since the model is attempting to track climate change-induced yield responses.

But I was also curious about all those missing dC entries. I started checking the underlying source papers and found that in many cases either the number was available or could be recovered by consulting the documentation for the climate scenario being simulated. I recovered 360 missing dC entries which allowed me to do the regressions on a much larger data set. And that made a very large difference.

Reanalysis on the Expanded Dataset

In the following figure, showing yield changes versus warming for four crop types, the original data set is called “C14”. On the expanded data set (“All”) the regression coefficients changed such that the yield simulations net of CO2 fertilization showed no output losses, even out to 5 C warming.

Even without doing the economic modeling I could therefore conclude that the M17 analysis did not justify any revision to the SCC estimate (except perhaps downwards).

I wrote up the results and submitted them to the journal in which C14 had been published: Nature Climate Change. This was about a year ago (end of February 2024). NCC declined even to review the paper, telling me “we are not persuaded that your findings will be of sufficiently immediate interest to the broader climate change community”. And I totally agree—I think my findings will be of no interest at all to the climate change community, since they don’t advance the cause! NCC suggested I submit my paper instead to Nature Scientific Reports which I did.

NSR had the paper reviewed and in early June I was told it was rejected. The reviewers argued that my equation connecting dC to dT was wrong and that my empirical analysis depended on choosing two key parameter values (baseline CO2 and climate sensitivity) but if I varied these slightly my overall results would fall apart. However, while there was a typo in my dC-dT equation it didn’t carry over to the code, and it was easy to show (since I submitted my data and code) that my results were invariant to the proposed parameter changes. So I decided to write the editor contesting the decision. A managing editor contacted me and said there is a formal appeal process and explained how to use it, but also cautioned me that it typically takes a long time to process an appeal request and they are rarely accepted. Nonetheless on a Friday in June I submitted all the documents. On Monday morning I was told my appeal had been accepted, and I was advised to submit a revised version of the manuscript, which I did right away.

I then waited a long time. In October I queried the journal and was told they were reaching out to new reviewers but so far had not received any responses. I queried again in December and was told they had found new reviewers but had not received the reviews. But in early January the new reviews came through and they were supportive. The requested revisions were mainly editorial but the analysis and conclusions were upheld. From that point on publication was routine.

Whither the SCC?

Of course the topic has now been rendered somewhat moot by the Trump Administration’s January 20 Executive Order suspending the SCC on the grounds that it is “marked by logical deficiencies, a poor basis in empirical science, politicization, and the absence of a foundation in legislation.” The EPA has until mid-March to issue guidance on how to address these problems including possibly scrapping the use of the SCC altogether. I have had no contact with people working on that undertaking but if any of them were to ask me I would tell them the following.

Measuring the SCC is not a scientific procedure akin to measuring the weight of an atom or the speed of light. The SCC is based on so-called Integrated Assessment Models (IAMs) that contain countless assumptions and yield complicated “if-then” statements. If the following assumptions are true, then a ton of CO2 emissions will cause $X worth of damage to the world. Whoever gets to pick the “If” statements determines what the “then” statement will be. And you can pick studies that guarantee any SCC value you like, although some are more plausible than others. Ultimately the SCC is determined by the political and social process of choosing who gets to write the report. The Biden-era SCC report was written by people whose antennae were up for any reasons whatsoever to boost the SCC estimate, and who ignored evidence pointing in the other direction. The report even warns the reader that they probably overlooked many reasons why the SCC is even higher than they have estimated because surely there are many other damages associated with CO2 that they have not yet thought of. (They claimed to have taken account of the benefits associated with CO2 fertilization in one of their two IAMs, but they did so based on the M17 analysis. Which means, in effect, they didn’t take it into account.)

From an economic perspective, the dirty little secret of climate policy is that CO2 emission reductions are so costly, even if the US government accepted the Biden SCC estimate very few climate policies would survive a cost-benefit test, and if the SCC were lowered to something more reasonable none of them would. So in that sense climate activists will get no joy from hanging onto the SCC.

But beyond the question of what the magic SCC number should be, the bigger question is how you convince a bureaucracy not to rig the report-writing process. The 2013 Interagency Working Group SCC report boasted of consulting 11 separate government agencies, and the 2023 report additionally boasted of input from the National Academies of Science and outside expert reviewers. Yawn. The more agencies involved the less scrutiny a report gets. It is all but certain that no one checked any underlying data or undertook any replication work. And I know from experience in the IPCC and other bureaucratic processes that review comments going against a chapter author’s biases are ignored or argued away, while comments confirming an author’s biases are welcomed at face value. The scientific establishment has resisted all attempts to fix climate assessment processes because they always got to pick the authors. But now a very different team is going to do the picking. If the establishment grandees suddenly decide they don’t like the process, they should have said something sooner.

Coalition to Burgum: “Stop offshore wind!”

The Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow, along with 10 other “Stop Offshore Wind” organizations and over 50 individuals from beach communities, joined forces to send a letter today to Secretary of Interior Douglas Burgum urging him to cease immediately all construction projects that are still slated to proceed ahead, despite President Trump’s executive order halting offshore wind.

From CFACT

By CFACT

For Immediate Release:

Contact: Judy Kent, jkent@cfact.org

703-477-7476

February 12, Washington D.C. – The Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow, along with 10 other “Stop Offshore Wind” organizations and over 50 individuals from beach communities, joined forces to send a letter today to Secretary of Interior Douglas Burgum urging him to cease immediately all construction projects that are still slated to proceed ahead, despite President Trump’s executive order halting offshore wind.

“The Trump EO pretty much grounded some 22 projects to a standstill,” noted CFACT President Craig Rucker, “but there are around nine or so sites that are still putting the pedal to the metal trying to get their construction work done before they’re looked at with scrutiny. We need to make sure, for the sake of our environment, that doesn’t happen.”

President Trump released a moratorium on offshore wind upon taking office on January 20, that “temporarily prevents consideration of any area in the OCS for any new or renewed wind energy leasing for the purposes of generation of electricity or any other such use, derived from the use of wind.” It also calls on the Department of Interior to “conduct a comprehensive review of the ecological, economic, and environmental necessity of terminating or amending any existing wind energy leases.”

“While this is a great development, and I’m sure the President believed it would stymie ongoing construction, some companies such as Dominion Energy in Virginia are not giving it any respect and keep plowing ahead as though it was never issued. That’s why we need DOI to go further and yank the existing takings permits, called Letters of Authorization (LOAs), to keep them from continuing to ‘clang and bang’ in our oceans,” notes Rucker.

The joint letter, which is attached, was signed by a number of citizens, environmental and national organizations involved in opposition to offshore wind, including the Committee For A Constructive Tomorrow (CFACT), Defend our Beaches NJ, Heartland Institute, Caesar Rodney Institute, Green Oceans, REACT Alliance, and others.

Read the full letter to Secretary Burgum here

Massive Green Battery Plant Catches on Fire Again Weeks After Major Toxic Blaze

A massive California battery facility that caught fire and spewed toxic smoke in January caught on fire again Tuesday night, according to multiple reports.

From Watts Up With That?

The Daily Caller

Daily Caller News Foundation

Nick Pope
Contributor

A massive California battery facility that caught fire and spewed toxic smoke in January caught on fire again Tuesday night, according to multiple reports.

Smoke was reported at the Vistra Battery Facility in Monterey County around 6:30 p.m. local time on Tuesday night, prompting local officials to urge residents to close doors and windows out of an abundance of caution for possible air quality issues, according to The San Francisco Chronicle. The same facility was the site of a massive blaze in January that kicked a large plume of black smoke over the surrounding area. Residents reported health problems in the immediate aftermath of the January fire. (RELATED: Soil Near Massive California Battery Fire Found Loaded With ‘Toxic’ Metals As Residents Report Headaches, Itchy Eyes)

the Vistra battery storage facility in Moss Landing is on fire we’re live @ksbw pic.twitter.com/mo7asCpTNG

— Felix Cortez (@FelixKSBW) January 17, 2025

the Vistra battery storage facility in Moss Landing is on fire we’re live @ksbw pic.twitter.com/mo7asCpTNG

— Felix Cortez (@FelixKSBW) January 17, 2025

Investigators have yet to identify the cause of the Tuesday night fire at the plant, according to the Chronicle. The January fire prompted evacuations for nearby residents, and a team of researchers affiliated with San Jose State University announced shortly after the incident that they had detected significantly increased concentrations of toxic heavy metals in the Elkhorn Slough, a large intertidal area approximately one mile away from the Vistra Energy battery storage facility.

Researchers said their analysis shows that concentrations of certain heavy metals were 100 to 1,000 times higher than typical levels.

Additionally, residents reported noticeable health problems — such as itchy eyes and headaches — in the aftermath of the January blaze, though the company maintains that “there are no hazardous air conditions or risks to public health.” On Feb. 6, a group of local residents filed a lawsuit against Vistra Energy and Pacific Gas and Electric alleging that the fire led to toxic chemicals entering the air and waterways that have since caused adverse health effects. The residents say that the companies are liable for damages.

The Tuesday fire burned itself out around 8 a.m. local time on Wednesday morning, a Vistra spokesperson told the Daily Caller News Foundation.

“Additional instances of smoke and flare-ups are a possibility given the nature of this situation and the damage to the batteries. Since the January 16 fire, Vistra has brought in a private professional fire brigade that is onsite 24/7 to monitor the Moss 300 building. Additionally, CTEH has permanent air-quality monitors around the plant site’s perimeter along with other continuously operating monitors at locations in the surrounding community,” the Vistra spokesperson told the DCNF. “Under the direction of the U.S. [Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)], continuous air quality monitoring is ongoing, and no hazardous air conditions have been detected. Additionally, the Monterey Bay Area Resource District reports that concentrations measured by its smoke sensor monitoring system have registered air quality in the ‘good’ or ‘green’ range on the EPA’s Air Quality Index.”

All content created by the Daily Caller News Foundation, an independent and nonpartisan newswire service, is available without charge to any legitimate news publisher that can provide a large audience. All republished articles must include our logo, our reporter’s byline and their DCNF affiliation. For any questions about our guidelines or partnering with us, please contact licensing@dailycallernewsfoundation.org.

U.S. and India revamp bilateral energy, trade pacts

A little over two years ago, representatives of President Joe Biden and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi reiterated a commitment to a “strategic clean energy partnership,” stressing that “climate and clean energy collaboration should promote energy access, affordability, energy justice, while supporting sustainable economic growth and just energy transitions.”

From CFACT

By Duggan Flanakin

A little over two years ago, representatives of President Joe Biden and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi reiterated a commitment to a “strategic clean energy partnership,” stressing that “climate and clean energy collaboration should promote energy access, affordability, energy justice, while supporting sustainable economic growth and just energy transitions.”

And just last September, the Biden and Modi administrations issued a joint statement of their mutual intent “to elevate and expand bilateral technical, financial, and policy support to expand complementary U.S. and Indian manufacturing capacity for clean energy technologies and components.”

How things have changed in such a short, few months.

In early February, newly elected Vice President JD Vance and Prime Minister Modi met in Paris (while attending an artificial intelligence summit) to discuss how the U.S. can assist India in diversifying its energy sourcing through investments in U.S. nuclear technology. The meeting came on the heels of an Indian proposal to amend its nuclear liability law to boost foreign and private investments in the nuclear energy sector.

Just days later, Mr. Modi and U.S. President Donald Trump launched a new initiative – the U.S.-India COMPACT (Catalyzing Opportunities for Military Partnership, Accelerated Commerce & Technology) for the 21st Century. The initiative seeks to drive transformative change across key pillars of cooperation.

The Biden-Modi agreements

The differences between the Biden-Modi and Trump-Modi agreements are striking, especially in the energy and technology areas. The October 2022 Biden-Modi bilateral agreement focused on facilitating increased energy investments to ensure sustainable, affordable, reliable, resilient, and cleaner energy systems.

Enhanced efforts under the pact included decarbonizing the industrial sector through efforts at electrification, carbon capture and storage, and deploying other emerging clean energy technologies; electrifying and decarbonizing the transportation sector by subsidizing electric vehicles; advancing renewable energy development and deployment; and assessing grid-integrated buildings, electric vehicles, and other distributed energy resources.

The two nations further agreed to a renewed focus on hydrogen and biofuels and to launch a new Energy Storage Task Force to support large-scale integration of renewable energy needed to support “the clean energy transition.” Lip service was given to reducing methane emissions from oil and gas activities – but there was no mention of coal, which provides much of India’s electric power today and into the future.

Last September, the two nations reaffirmed the Strategic Clean Energy Partnership with a plan to “unlock US$1 billion in new multilateral finance through the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development for projects that include catalyzing India’s domestic clean energy supply chain buildout.

The goal was to support supply-side manufacturing capacity expansion for solar, wind, battery, energy grid systems, and high-efficiency air conditioner and ceiling fan supply chains. The word salad that followed is illustrative:

“Over time, we seek to mobilize additional financing into priority clean energy manufacturing sectors that harness public and private financial tools and pioneer innovative financial vehicles to meet the rapid demand for flexible climate finance solutions.”

Huh???

More simply put, these “near-term investment opportunities” included solar wafers and wafer manufacturing equipment and next-gen solar cells, wind turbine nacelle components, energy storage components including batteries, battery packs for two- and three-wheel electric vehicles and zero-emission e-bus and truck components, high-efficiency air conditioners and ceiling fan components, and power transmission line components.

The cherry on top of this banana split was a collaboration with private sector actors to “scope eligible opportunities … [to] support an initial package of pilot projects, ideally including one project focused on clean energy deployment to Africa.”

Africa, by the way, is a huge continent.

The Trump-Modi agreements

The Trump-Modi agreements, by contrast, focused on such matters as expanding trade and investment to make each nation’s citizens more prosperous, their nations stronger, their economies more innovative, and their supply chains more resilient – with a goal of over doubling bilateral trade to $500 billion by 2030.

The two leaders agreed that the U.S. and India should fully realize the U.S.-India 123 Civil Nuclear Agreement by moving forward to jointly develop, deploy, and scale up nuclear power generation in India with U.S.-designed small modular nuclear reactors through large-scale localization and possibly technology transfer.

The bold commitment is based on a recent announcement by the Indian government to amend its Atomic Energy Act and the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act for nuclear reactors and to establish bilateral arrangements in accordance with the amended acts to address the issue of civil liability and thus facilitate collaboration.

They also agreed that the U.S. should supply crude oil, liquefied natural gas, and other hydrocarbons to India for energy security (with nary a word on renewables).

Based on the premise that “energy security is fundamental to economic growth, social well-being, and technical innovation,” the two leaders affirmed the consequential role of both nations as leading producers and consumers driving the global energy landscape. They also recommitted to the U.S.-India Energy Security Partnership, including in oil, gas, and civil nuclear energy.

Mr. Trump and Mr. Modi further underscored the importance of enhancing the production of hydrocarbons to ensure better global energy prices and to secure affordable and reliable energy access for their citizens. The U.S. also affirmed its solid support for India’s bid to join the International Energy Agency as a full member.

Mr. Trump and Mr. Modi reaffirmed the value of strategic petroleum reserves to preserve economic stability during crises [a stab at President Biden’s reckless depletion of the U.S. reserve] and resolved to work with key partners to expand strategic oil reserve arrangements.

They also reaffirmed a commitment to increase energy trade and to establish the U.S. as a leading supplier of crude oil, LNG, and petroleum products to India. The kicker was a commitment to enhance investments, particularly in oil and gas infrastructure, and to facilitate greater cooperation between the energy companies of the two nations.

As a central part of the newly established U.S.-India TRUST (Transforming the Relationship Utilizing Strategic Technology), the two leaders committed to establish a U.S.-India Roadmap on Accelerating AI Infrastructure – and to launch INDUS innovation, a new innovation bridge that will advance U.S.-India industry and academic partnerships and foster investments in space energy and other emerging technologies.

The broad-based agreement also includes building trusted and resilient supply chains for semiconductors, critical minerals, advanced materials, and pharmaceuticals, especially for critical medicines. The two nations further agreed to accelerate collaboration and investment across the entire critical minerals value chain, including via a new Strategic Mineral Recovery Initiative to recover and process critical minerals from heavy industries.

Insights on India concluded that the India-U.S. Comprehensive Strategic Partnership is evolving with deeper defense, trade, energy, and technology ties and that the new initiatives will enhance regional security and economic growth across India. Never before have the two nations bound themselves so tightly together.

While the Biden Administration’s outreach to India heavily focused on the European-led mandates for renewable energy and “clean” technology, the Trump outreach stretched across all sectors to focus on India’s immediate needs for affordable, reliable energy, increased trade and security, and turning tomorrow’s technologies into profit centers for both nations.

How things have changed from September to February.

This article originally appeared at Real Clear Energy

Wrong, Politico, Climate Change Does Not Threaten the EU’s Survival, But Climate Policy Does

A recent Politico article, “Climate change threatens EU’s survival, German security report warns,” claims that “global warming will exacerbate conflicts, hunger, and migration worldwide, with growing risks for Europe.” Evidence undermines these claims. In reality, the world is not suffering destabilization due to climate change, but European populations are far more likely to suffer from climate policy, as Politico briefly mentions.

Europe from space at night with city lights showing European cities in Germany, France, Spain, Italy and United Kingdom (UK), global overview, 3d rendering of planet Earth, elements from NASA. Some elements from NASA (https://eoimages.gsfc.nasa.gov/images/imagerecords/57000/57752/land_shallow_topo_2048.jpg)

From ClimateRealism

By Linnea Lueken

A recent Politico article, “Climate change threatens EU’s survival, German security report warns,” claims that “global warming will exacerbate conflicts, hunger, and migration worldwide, with growing risks for Europe.” Evidence undermines these claims. In reality, the world is not suffering destabilization due to climate change, but European populations are far more likely to suffer from climate policy, as Politico briefly mentions.

Politico reports on a “landmark” political report from the German federal intelligence service (BND) that attempts to assess “the dangers climate change poses to German and European security over the next 15 years.” The report concludes that “climate change’s destabilizing effects will drive up migration and food prices, threatening economic and political upheaval,” and “the unequal impact of rising temperatures in the EU — with southern countries hit worse than others — risks tearing the bloc apart.”

Politico goes on to claim that as global average temperature rises, “so do the frequency, severity and intensity of flood-triggering extreme rainfall, deadly heat waves, harvest-destroying droughts and the conditions that allow wildfires to spread easily.”

These claims are false, as available data proves.

While rainfall has modestly increased over northern latitudes that contain the European Union member states, extreme rainfall that causes flooding has not. Claims that recent flooding events were “supercharged” or worsened by climate change are pure speculation based on attribution modelling. Data and historical records of flood frequency and severity debunk claims of unprecedented flooding. Recent flooding in Spain, for instance, was blamed on climate change by attribution groups, but the storm that hit Spain was consistent with a long history of similar storms that are not becoming more severe or frequent. In the Climate Realism post, “Flooding Facts Drowned by Climate Hysteria: The BBC Ignores Spain’s Weather History,” meteorologist Anthony Watts and H. Sterling Burnett describe the history of the region struck by the floods:

Valencia, which sits along and at the mouth of the Turia River on the Mediterranean Sea, suffered similar flooding, for example, in 1897, 1957, and 1996, 127, 67, and 28 years of warming ago, respectively, when temperatures were cooler than at present.

As Caroline Angus’ account of the 1957 Valencia flood reveals, these conditions are neither new nor unprecedented. The BBC’s focus on “climate change” and a warmer atmosphere as the primary cause of the recent flooding ignores the atmospheric mechanics behind these storms and downplays the recurrent pattern of similar natural events.

Likewise, Climate Realism debunked other regional European flooding events, here.

Heatwaves and drought are likewise not getting worse, and contra Politico and the German report’s claims, crop production is not declining in Europe due to those conditions, as pointed out in numerous Climate Realism posts, here, here, and here, for example. Wildfires are also on the decline globally.

Interestingly, Politico and the German report do admit that government response to climate alarmism may also cause tension. Politico reports that policies meant to address climate change “will cause tensions, noting that carbon pricing — the backbone of EU climate efforts — disproportionately affects poorer households.” This fact should be obvious to anyone. Carbon pricing does not bother the elites, who can afford higher energy prices.

Politico and the report authors also warn “the cost of decarbonization and its (perceived) unfair distribution … provide space for populism, right-wing and left-wing extremism, and disinformation campaigns[.]”

That claim should be taken further, it already has caused tensions and has contributed to a growing threat to European food supplies, resulting in frequent mass protests in multiple countries by farmers. Not only that, but it’s not a perception that the distribution of the costs is unfair, it is a fact. Looking beyond carbon taxes, the push for electric vehicles is a subsidy for a luxury product that most cannot afford. London’s “ultra-low emission zones” (ULEZ) are basically a tax on the poor who cannot afford to purchase new electric or low emitting hybrids.

What is true for Europe with regards to crop production is also true for other major crop producing parts of the world, and so climate change is not driving or likely to drive mass migration that could destabilize Europe. Climate Realism has debunked claims that climate change was causing mass emigration in multiple posts, here, here, and here, for instance.

If Politico and German leaders are worried about “populism” and right leaning sympathies rising in their nations due to concerns about mass immigration from unstable parts of the world, then perhaps they could impose restrictions on immigration, no need to blame climate change.

It’s shameful that Politico and the German government are downplaying the harm that the unnecessary, unjustified, climate policies which they have supported have had on Europeans. Extreme weather is not getting worse, but the impacts of government overreach and taxation in the name of climate change are.