“Cheap” Solar Does Not Need Subsidies, Right? (wrong)

The wind/solar narrative shifts as the polls do. The latest message is that wind and solar are cost-effective and the natural choice for energy affordability.

As the free world turns toward natural gas in the new era, consider the following narrative quotations, aspirational and wrong.

From Master Resource

By Robert Bradley Jr. 

The wind/solar narrative shifts as the polls do. The latest message is that wind and solar are cost-effective and the natural choice for energy affordability. Yet the renewable industry pleads for evergreen help with the outsized subsidies of the Production Tax Credit (PTC) and Investment Tax Credit (ITC), which are on track to end at the end of next year for any new project.

As the free world turns toward natural gas in the new era, consider the following narrative quotations, aspirational and wrong.

“Some critics of solar facilities have falsely claimed that they are expensive and inefficient….” – Maxine Joselow, “As Trump Obliterates Climate Efforts, States Try to Fill the Gap,” New York Times (February 19, 2026)

“Solar is now the cheapest energy source in human history, yet rollbacks are spreading from California to Virginia as officials blame high costs and a hostile Trump administration.”   – Haley Zaremba, “Solar Is the Cheapest Power in History, but States Are Retreating from It,” OilPrice.com (June 19, 2026).

Desperation is the word as “House Democrats Want Clean Energy Tax Credits Back ,” according to Inside Climate News, (March 18, 2026). Reports Arcelia Martin:

A new bill would reinstate incentives from the Inflation Reduction Act and provide assistance for consumer electricity costs…. The “Energy Bills Relief Act,” signed by more than half of House Democrats, 122 in all, seeks to establish new incentives for renewable projects and to protect consumers from rising electricity costs due to grid demands from large energy users such as data centers. 

In addition to re-upping clean energy credits introduced in the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022, the sweeping legislation would reinstate grant money for renewable energy projects that the Trump administration terminated and authorize $2.1 billion to address shortages of transformers and other grid technologies. 

Fake Republicans are also in on the act.

House Republicans have introduced the American Energy Dominance Act (April 2026) to reverse tightened deadlines on wind and solar tax credits (45Y/48E) imposed by the 2025 “One Big Beautiful Bill Act” (OBBBA). The new bill aims to remove the July 4, 2026, construction deadline and 2027 operational deadline for solar and wind projects, citing lost investments. 

And this from C3 Solutions. States co-founder Drew Bond in “Solar Doesn’t Need Subsidies Anymore” (April 27, 2026):

Solar power is now among the cheapest forms of electricity on Earth. Yet the industry still behaves as if it can’t survive without government support.

It cannot. One can only wish that Bond is right and the industry will raise the white flag regarding subsidies.

The solar industry doesn’t have a subsidy problem. It has a confidence problem. July 4 isn’t a deadline to fear but a milestone that signals American solar is ready to compete without training wheels. The numbers tell the story. According to the International Renewable Energy Agency, the cost of utility-scale solar has fallen roughly 90% since 2010—from about 46 cents per kilowatt-hour to roughly 4.3 cents today. Solar is now one of the cheapest sources of new electricity generation in the world, trailing only onshore wind. Over the past decade the industry has grown at an average annual rate of about 28%.

The U.S. now has roughly 262 gigawatts of installed solar capacity—enough to power about 45 million homes, according to the Solar Energy Industries Association…. Solar is one of the fastest and least expensive ways to meet much of [increasing demand] and that advantage doesn’t disappear on July 5.

So what? The above statistic demonstrate how outsized subsidies (state-level too) propelled an economically incorrect energy into existence en masse. Bond incorrectly concludes:

All of this means solar is no longer a fragile startup industry. It is one of the most remarkable energy scale-ups in modern American history. The industry simply hasn’t fully accepted that reality…. After decades of public support, policymakers aren’t sending the solar industry to its funeral. They’re celebrating its graduation.

This is a strange article. Yes, solar costs have come down (as have other energy technologies). Yes, solar was enabled by special government favor. But no–solar for the grid and at large scale is not competitive with natural gas combined cycle, as the current dash-for-gas demonstrates. In a recent news piece in the New York Times, “New Amazon Data Center Stokes Worry It Would Be the Most Polluting Power Plant in the U.S., Hiroko Tabuchi stated:

To avoid years of potential delays in hooking up to electrical utilities, data-center developers are increasingly choosing to build their own dedicated, on-site power plants instead. And gas-burning plants are usually the fastest and easiest to build.

To recap. The PR narrative is that solar is now cost-competitive. But behind the scenes, the lobbying frenzy by solar trade groups, led by the Solar Energy Industries Association (SEIA) nationally and in Texas, the Texas Solar Energy Society (TXSES), speaks for itself. It is continued subsidies or bust for the utility-scale solar industry.

Texas Windpower: Will Negative Pricing Blow Out the Lights? (PTC vs. reliable new capacity)

The federal Production Tax Credit (PTC), which currently provides a $0.022/kWh subsidy to qualifying renewables, is set to expire at year-end. Just the prospect of expiration has dramatically slowed new construction of industrial wind capacity, despite a raft of other subsidies to politically correct energy.

From The Master Resource

By Josiah Neeley

Ed. note: This post by Josiah Neeley, originally published at MasterResource in November 2012, predicted the decline of reliable (dispatchable) power a decade before Storm Uri, the subject of yesterday’s post. Meanwhile, climate/renewable activists such as Chris Tomlinson (Houston Chronicle) was calling out the ‘fossil fuel-supporting Chicken Littles‘. Tomlinson (et al.) misinterpreted the event by focusing on the physical ‘why’ instead of the economic ‘why behind the why’ (here, here, and here).

“It is well known that Texas is undergoing a major challenge in maintaining resource adequacy due to improper price signals; less well known is that a significant portion of the problem can be laid directly on the doorstep of subsidies for wind generation.”

The federal Production Tax Credit (PTC), which currently provides a $0.022/kWh subsidy to qualifying renewables, is set to expire at year-end. Just the prospect of expiration has dramatically slowed new construction of industrial wind capacity, despite a raft of other subsidies to politically correct energy. [1]

The Texas Public Policy Foundation has released a new paper looking at the effect of the production tax credit both on taxpayers and consumers. Bill Peacock and I found that PTC continuance puts the Texas electricity market at increased risk of price spikes and blackout by discouraging the construction of new reliable, on-peak generating capacity.

Texans are not only paying for the PTC’s direct annual cost of $622 million; they could pay billions of dollars more from forgone capacity given negative pricing where wind producers generate unneeded electricity just to pocket tax credits.

Background

It is well known that Texas is undergoing a major challenge in maintaining resource adequacy due to improper price signals; less well known is that a significant portion of the problem can be laid directly on the doorstep of subsidies for wind generation.

When wind is bid into the market at a negative price, superior forms of generation must match that price or risk getting knocked off the grid. This decreases the profitability of non-wind generation and makes companies less likely to invest in new capacity. This has already degraded Texas’s resource adequacy, and it could get worse before it gets better. This increases the risk of blackouts if unusual events reduce capacity and/or increase demand.

Donna Nelson, chairman of the Public Utility Commission of Texas (PUC) explains this well:

Federal incentives for renewable energy… have distorted the competitive wholesale market in ERCOT. Wind has been supported by a federal production tax credit that provides $22 per MWh of energy generated by a wind resource. With this substantial incentive, wind resources can actually bid negative prices into the market and still make a profit.

We’ve seen a number of days with a negative clearing price in the west zone of ERCOT where most of the wind resources are installed…. The market distortions caused by renewable energy incentives are one of the primary causes I believe of our current resource adequacy issue… [T]his distortion makes it difficult for other generation types to recover their cost and discourages investment in new generation.

The Northbridge Group recently published a study confirming the distortions in the market caused by the PTC. Northbridge found that the five-fold increase in wind generation since 2006 parallels the increase in negative pricing. In ERCOT, negative pricing occurred between 8 percent and 13 percent of the time from 2008 to 2011.

Percentage of Hours with Negative Real-Time Electric Energy Prices in ERCOT, 2006-11

Source: The Northbridge Group

The disruption of the Texas electrical market by negative wind prices is only going to get worse as more renewable-specific transmission lines are built, and as the frequency of negative pricing in new parts of the state comes to resemble the West Zone.

As another recent report by the Brattle Group noted:

Wind generation puts downward pressure on energy prices in all parts of ERCOT whenever the wind blows. However, the effect is greatest in the West Zone, where more than 70% of ERCOT’s wind capacity is located…

The CREZ project is primarily designed to move electricity generated by wind and other renewable resources from remote parts of Texas (i.e., West Texas and the Texas Panhandle) to the more heavily- populated areas of Texas (e.g., Austin, Dallas-Fort Worth, and San Antonio). This transmission expansion will also increase Texas’s ability to build more wind generation but may in the future erode non-wind generator economics more by depressing energy prices in the other three zones.

Wind generation puts downward pressure on energy prices in all parts of ERCOT whenever the wind blows. However, the effect is greatest in the West Zone, where more than 70% of ERCOT’s wind capacity is located…

The CREZ project is primarily designed to move electricity generated by wind and other renewable resources from remote parts of Texas (i.e., West Texas and the Texas Panhandle) to the more heavily- populated areas of Texas (e.g., Austin, Dallas-Fort Worth, and San Antonio). This transmission expansion will also increase Texas’s ability to build more wind generation but may in the future erode non-wind generator economics more by depressing energy prices in the other three zones.

The Real Cost of Wind

It is difficult to quantify the cost of the PTC’s distortions on the market, though the Foundation will address this issue more fully in an upcoming paper. But one method of doing so would be of looking at the cost of solving Texas’ resource adequacy challenges.

PUC Commissioner Ken Anderson recently did some “back of the envelope” calculations of the cost of imposing a PJM-style capacity market on ERCOT. He came up with a cost of over $3.6 billion per year. The portion of this cost that can be attributed to renewable energy subsidies is debatable, but these costs could easily exceed the costs of the direct subsidies, more than doubling the costs on consumers.

At a bare minimum, renewables energy subsidies in Texas are costing more than half a billion a year. Because of the PTC’s per megawatt hour subsidy, it causes substantially more distortion to the market than other renewable subsidies.

A credible case could be made that the PTC is more responsible than any other factor in causing ERCOT’s resource adequacy challenges and thus driving Texas toward some kind of forward capacity market.

Conclusion

Competition is working in the Texas electricity market. It is government interference with the market—led by the PTC—that is causing the current reliability challenges.

Texas need not abandon wholesale competition and move toward a capacity market. But this will be difficult to avoid as long as the PTC is in place. Congress should allow the PTC to expire; if not, we may see the end of Texas’ world-class energy-only electricity market.

—————-

[1] The PTC is only one of the subsidies available to renewable energy producers in Texas. Others available in Texas include Renewable Energy Credits (RECs) under the state’s Renewable Portfolio Standard, federal grants under the 2009 stimulus bill, and access to transmission through the Competitive Renewable Energy Zone (CREZ) program. Altogether, renewable energy subsidies in Texas, including PTC, will cost taxpayers and consumers about $12.9 billion over the same period. [The PTC, set to expire at year-end 2012, has been extended six (6) times since this post.]

———-

Josiah Neeley is a policy analyst for the Armstrong Center for Energy & the Environment at the Texas Public Policy Foundation, a non-profit, free-market research institute based in Austin. Bill Peacock, coauthor of this post, is the Vice President for Research and Director for the Center for Economic Freedom at the TPPF. [Update: Mr. Neeley is Senior Fellow and Energy Director, Texas at R-Street]

Energy Affordability Has Become the Kitchen-Table Issue of the 2020s

A not-so-glowing attribute of American democracy is the ability of voters to act shocked and blame whoever is in charge when things don’t go well. So, it makes twisted sense that, as 2026 approaches, the Trump administration should pay the political price for bad energy policies inherited from the Biden administration and Democratic governors.

Official portrait of a man with dark hair and a suit, smiling, standing in front of an American flag.

From Watts Up With That?

By William Murray

A not-so-glowing attribute of American democracy is the ability of voters to act shocked and blame whoever is in charge when things don’t go well. So, it makes twisted sense that, as 2026 approaches, the Trump administration should pay the political price for bad energy policies inherited from the Biden administration and Democratic governors.

Years of flat energy demand and relatively stable electricity prices dulled Americans’ understanding of energy economics. Now, new data center demand, the end of cheap natural gas, and President Biden’s policy of replacing baseload nuclear and coal power with wind and solar have screwed up electricity price signals enough to shred household budgets and stun homeowners — just in time for a colder-than-average winter.

The numbers are as stark as a slate-grey November sky. Household spending on electricity for heating is expected to rise 10% this winter to more than $1,200. Utilities requested a $29 billion rate increase in the first half of 2025, double last year’s rate rise. Residential electricity rates rose 6.6% year-on-year as of June 2025, according to Utility Dive, after already rising nearly 30% between 2021 and 2024.

The causes of these electricity increases are multifaceted, yet, as a policy brief from the National Center for Energy Analytics reveals, subsidies to wind and solar are major culprits. Subsidies like the federal Production Tax Credit (PTC) distort electricity markets by artificially lowering prices, sometimes into negative territory, forcing otherwise competitive but unsubsidized generation out of the market.

Interestingly, the study found that the argument that increasing demand from the data center buildout is causing increases in average rates is not supported by the facts. The state of Virginia has built the large majority of data centers in the past 2 years, yet Virginia’s ratepayers have experienced below-average price gains and still pay below-average electricity rates.

The Big Beautiful Bill, passed by Congress in July, partially solved some of these market-signal problems by accelerating the phase-out of wind and solar projects to the end of 2027, but that fact can’t heat the homes of families making hard choices every day during the winter of 2025-26. 

An extra hundred dollars a month over winter means no sports or academic camps in summer for teenagers. Fifty dollars a month can be the difference between seeking mental health counseling or fighting clinical depression alone. Energy prices don’t play games.

In places like Massachusetts and California where green-energy policy has gone too far, the pain is both real and self-inflicted, raising the question of why voters continue to elect Democrats who prefer self-actualization to public service.

Residential electricity prices in California rose 125% in the last 15 years as subsidies for renewables pushed out existing nuclear and natural gas, all with the support of their ravishing Governor, Gavin Newsom. 

In Massachusetts, politicians like Governor Maura Healey show us that grown-ups can still be childish. She and other (nearly all Democrat) politicians in New England don’t want any new pipelines to ship natural gas from the super-cheap Marcellus Shale Formation in Pennsylvania, lest they offend climate-change sensibilities.

Instead, they imported LNG from 3,000 miles away in Norway, which averaged more than $12 per thousand cubic feet (Mcf) between January and March 2024. Meanwhile, average realized sales prices for Marcellus shale gas, less than 150 miles away during the same period, were between $2.10 and $2.20 per Mcf, only one-sixth the price. Not very smart.

As a result, both states, perhaps taking their cues from the grade-inflating Harvard and Stanford Universities within their borders, now have the highest electricity rates in the country, over 30 cents per kilowatt-hour. Nice job, Einsteins.

Leaving the energy policy equivalent of a flaming paper bag of poo on the front porch for the Trump administration to stomp out may be good politics for Democrat governors. Still, if the United States is going to win the future, we have to get away from the energy hunger games and put in place permanent policies that a subsequent White House occupant won’t overturned.

And some states do their energy policies better, and not just carbon rich states like Texas or Kentucky that have some geologic largesse. States like Indiana, which imports energy from other states, have slowed coalretirements through legislative action, passing laws requiring utilities to demonstrate grid reliability before replacing coal with renewables. 

Even Democrat-run states like Illinois have resisted closing base load nuclear plants despite political pressure from net-zero and anti-nuclear groups.

And some states are doing even more. Republican governor Jeff Landry of Louisiana has signed sweeping legislation aimed at reducing energy costs and unleashing energy affordability to its rate payers across the states and countries that it feeds.

And on the federal level, Congressman Troy Balderson is trying to make Affordable, Reliable, Clean Energy Security the federal standard. If you want to set into law energy sanity that will survive, states need to follow leaders like Governor Landry. And if we as a country have any brains left in our screen-addled heads, we have to put Balderson’s ARC ES bill on the president’s desk to sign. 

Energy production should be a kitchen-table issue, but with a longer lead time than the current election cycle. We should be able to pay less to get more. The Trump administration is doing more in that regard than any administration in history. Opening Alaska, easing leasing restrictions on federal land, and cutting subsidies for EVs and renewables are nice. In the meantime, states and the federal government must step up.

In the end, we’re all worm food, but until then, people — especially Americans facing the winter season — have things to do, dreams to achieve, and go places where futures can thrive. 

Here’s to a more affordable 2026.

William Murray is a former chief speechwriter for the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), the past editor of RealClearEnergy from 2015-2017, and has covered energy and environmental policy in Washington D.C., as a journalist and analyst for the past two decades.

This article was originally published by RealClearEnergy and made available via RealClearWire.

The Death of a Wind Farm

What can one wind facility in Southwestern Minnesota tell us about the state of the American electric grid? Quite a lot, actually.

Why the United States is No Country for Old Wind

From Substack

By ISAAC ORR  AND  MITCH ROLLING

What can one wind facility in Southwestern Minnesota tell us about the state of the American electric grid? Quite a lot, actually.

In 2007, Minnesota began its quest to power the state with wind turbines and solar panels when the Next Generation Energy Act (NGEA) was signed into law. This legislation mandated that 25 percent of the state’s electricity come from “renewable” energy sources by 2025.

These mandates, along with generous federal tax subsidies and monopoly utilities seeking to maximize their government-approved profits by building new infrastructure, led to a building boom in wind turbines and solar panels.

From 2007 through 2022, Minnesota built thousands of wind turbines totaling 3,690 megawatts (MW) of installed capacity and 1,143 MW of solar capacity en route to meeting the mandates in 2020, five years ahead of schedule.

However, many of the turbines built to comply with the 25 percent mandate are already being refurbished or “repowered” long before the end of their supposed 25-year useful lives. In fact, one of these wind facilities, the Nobles wind farm, has already been repowered after just 12 years in service.

But why was Nobles refurbished more than a decade before the end of its useful life at a cost of $240 million? The official reason provided by Xcel Energy for repowering Nobles was to spur economic activity in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and extend the retirement date of the facility from the year 2035 to 2045.

This story makes for a good newspaper headline, but the data tell a very different story. Digging deeper into the reasons surrounding Xcel’s decision to repower the Nobles facility illustrates how our state and federal energy policies are causing America’s energy decisions to grow increasingly irrational.

What is Repowering, and Why Does it Occur?

To fully understand the depth and gravity of this situation and why it has a profound impact on energy policy moving forward, it’s helpful to take a closer look at what repowering is and why it is done.

Repowering is the process of retrofitting or replacing wind turbines in full (full repowering) or in part (partial repowering). Full repowering is the act of completely decommissioning smaller existing wind turbines at a facility and replacing them with larger, but typically fewer, wind turbines.

Partial repowering is the most common form of repowering, and it consists of replacing portions of old turbines, such as the gearbox, hub, main shaft, bearing assembly, rotor, and blades, while maintaining the original steel towers and concrete foundations.

NREL researchers replace an existing gearbox (front) with a fully instrumented Winergy gearbox and SKF main bearing in the DOE-owned GE 1.5-megawatt wind turbine at NREL’s Flatirons Campus. Photo by Dennis Schroeder, NREL

New gearboxes can be needed because the bearings responsible for helping convert the relatively slow rotations of a turbine’s blades into the high speeds needed to generate electricity can develop cracks, reducing the wind turbine’s efficiency. Larger rotors and longer blades are frequently placed on the original steel towers to increase the wingspan of the wind tower, thus allowing it to access more wind energy and convert it to electricity.

All of these actions help increase the productivity of wind turbines, but the biggest reason that companies seek to repower wind turbines has nothing to do with how they perform and everything to do with money. Repowering wind projects allows them to requalify for the wind Production Tax Credit (PTC), a lucrative federal subsidy that expires after the first 10 years of a project’s life.

It should come as no surprise, then, that data from the U.S. Department of Energy shows that the wind facilities partially repowered in 2021— totaling 1.6 GW of capacity, down from 3 GW in 2020 — ranged in age from 9 to 16 years old, with the median age being 10 years.

In essence, the lucrative federal subsidies paid to wind turbine operators are creating a perverse incentive to prematurely refurbish or replace wind projects long before the end of their useful lifetimes, including the Nobles wind project in Minnesota.

Nobles: Promises Made

Nobles is a 201-megawatt (MW) wind facility consisting of 134 turbines spanning 26,880 acres just outside of Reading, Minnesota — about 45 miles east of the South Dakota border. Construction of the wind “farm” cost $538 million (in 2010 dollars), and it began commercial operation in December 2010.

According to documents filed by Xcel Energy to the Minnesota Public Utilities Commission (PUC), the project was supposed to produce 40.9 percent of its potential energy output — a metric known as its “capacity factor” — every year over the course of an assumed 25-year lifetime.

From 2011 through 2020, Nobles did a relatively good job of meeting Xcel’s expectations, producing an average output of 38.2 percent of its theoretical potential during these years. But things changed in 2021 when the annual capacity factor of Nobles plummeted to 19.5 percent, and it performed only moderately better in 2022, with a capacity factor of 23.6 percent. These down years brought the 12-year average capacity factor of the facility down to 35.4 percent, which you can see in the accompanying graph below.

But why did electricity generation at Nobles fall so dramatically in 2021 and 2022 when the Nobles 2 wind project, a newer, larger wind project which is located just six miles to the northwest of the original Nobles, had a capacity factor of 42.7 percent in 2021, and 49.9 percent in 2022?

The answer illustrates how federal subsidies and state mandates are incentivizing the construction of so many wind turbines that the energy produced by them is often wasted.

Lost in Transmission, Congestion

Nobles is located in a very windy part of the state, which prompted the construction of dozens of wind facilities nearby to meet Minnesota’s renewable energy mandate and to maximize the generation of electricity and federal tax credits.

Currently, there aren’t enough transmission lines to move the power generated from these wind facilities to other areas of the 15-state regional grid that could use it. This is because the existing transmission lines can only transport so much power at a time, similar to how water flowing down a sink is governed by the width of the drainpipe. As a result, the oversupply of electricity frequently causes power prices to go negative, which sends a signal to wind turbine operators to scale back supply, at least it works that way in theory.

In reality, the PTC pays wind projects $26 for each MWh of electricity the facility produces, whether or not that electricity is needed. The subsidies mean that electricity generated from wind farms could potentially be sold into the market at a price of negative $25 per MWh and still turn a profit for their owners. This is why the areas with the most wind turbines see the most negative prices, which you can see in the map below.

Map from Lawrence Berkeley Labs

Without the subsidies, however, wind turbine operators are forced to reconcile with the realities of supply and demand because selling wind generation at negative prices would lead to substantial losses. This causes the turbine operator to shut the wind turbine down — an industry process called curtailment — when wind generation is high but wholesale power prices are low in an effort to avoid losing money.

Data from Minnesota PUC filings show a large increase in curtailment at Nobles in 2021 when 47.6 percent of the potential output from Nobles was curtailed, and in 2022, when curtailment rates reached 38 percent, as you can see in the graph below.

The spike in curtailment is important to understand because it suggests that wind facilities around the country are at risk of becoming uneconomical once the PTC expires after 10 years, long before the 20 to 25 years that are commonly cited as their useful lifetimes.

Wind advocates argue that we need to spend billions of dollars building hundreds of miles of new transmission lines — which routinely cost $2.5 million per mile — to transport larger quantities of wind-generated electricity to reduce the amount of wind power that is ultimately wasted.

However, this solution would be temporary, at best, because the availability of federal subsidies would once again distort the market and encourage utility companies to build an excess of wind facilities in an area where there isn’t adequate transmission capacity. In the end, we would end up in the same situation after spending more money at great cost to taxpayers and ratepayers in Minnesota.

Costs to Consumers: Is Repowering a Bait and Switch?

When Xcel Energy proposed its Nobles repowering project to the Minnesota PUC, the company claimed that customers would benefit from this and six other repowering projects by saving $160 million in energy costs over the next 25 years. But the biggest beneficiary of the Nobles repowering project was Xcel Energy because repowering means the company will earn millions of dollars in profits for their shareholders at taxpayer expense.

Because investor-owned utilities in Minnesota, like Xcel Energy, are regulated monopolies created by the state of Minnesota, they are not allowed to make a profit on the electricity they sell. Instead, they are only allowed to charge enough to cover the cost of providing electricity to everyone, plus a government-approved 10.2 percent profit, or rate-of-return on equity, when they spend money on capital assets such as new power plants, transmission lines, and even new corporate offices, so long as the PUC approves those expenses. However, the 10.2 percent profit declines every year as the capital assets depreciate or lose value over time.

This gives Xcel a powerful incentive to spend millions of dollars building as many wind turbines as possible and to spend millions more repowering them long before the end of their useful lifetime.

The graph nearby shows the unsubsidized annual cost of the Nobles wind facility from 2011 through 2045, depicting the yearly cost of the project before and after the repowering project. As you can see, the total annual cost of the project jumps from around $51 million in 2022 to $74.8 million in 2023 after repowering. Xcel’s profits constitute the largest cost increase, rising from $22.9 million in 2022 to $39.6 million in 2023, a substantial dividend of $16.7 million that year.

We present the unsubsidized annual cost of the Nobles project because subsidies don’t change the cost of a good or service, they simply change who pays for it. In this instance, federal taxpayers, or future generations, are picking up part of the tab on behalf of Xcel Energy’s customers.

Our analysis did find that repowering the Nobles facility to requalify for the tax credit and extend the “book” life of the facility by ten years would slightly reduce the cost per MWh at Nobles for Xcel’s ratepayers compared to allowing the facility to run at lower capacity factors due to curtailment and allowing the subsidies to expire. That is, only if the facility operates for the “expected” 25 years this time.

However, we also concluded that even the subsidized cost of the repowered Nobles project would never be lower than the cost of generating electricity at the Sherburne County (Sherco) coal plant or the Prairie Island nuclear plant, which produced electricity for $38.80 per MWh and $41.13 per MWh, respectively, as illustrated in the nearby graph. This is because the PUC allowed Xcel to continue earning profits on the original assets that were replaced through 2045.

Nobles would theoretically cost less than Prairie Island in 2034, but the PTC would expire after 2032, and Nobles would go back to being 75 percent more expensive than the existing nuclear plant.

These concepts are complex, but they are not impossible to understand. Unfortunately, it appears the five commissioners on the Minnesota PUC — all of whom were either appointed or reappointed by Gov. Tim Walz — do not seem to understand that voting to approve the repowering of the Nobles wind facility would increase electricity costs to Minnesota families and businesses compared to encouraging Xcel Energy to run the Sherco plant more frequently.

If the PUC commissioners were interested in protecting ratepayers from Xcel Energy’s bait-and-switch tactics and holding electricity prices to the standard of the “just and reasonable” clause in Minnesota statutes, they would question Xcel Energy’s perpetual money machine of building wind turbines and repowering them long before their 20-to-25-year useful lives. Instead, all five rubber-stamped the Nobles repowering project and the associated costs.

Final Thoughts: What Nobles Means for America

The life, premature demise, and repowering of the Nobles wind facility suggests the United States is No Country for Old Wind, and Nobles is no anomaly.

Data from the U.S. Department of Energy show that 30,000 MW of wind capacity will have been repowered by 2026, which would constitute 21.4 percent of the total wind capacity installed nationwide in 2022. It also isn’t unreasonable to think that the Nobles and other wind facilities will undergo another round of full or partial repowering if the federal subsidies are still available in 2032.

Taxpayer subsidies and utility profit motives are converging to incentivize the premature destruction and replacement of wind installations throughout America, and this trend will almost certainly become more common as an increasing number of wind turbines are added to the nation’s electric grid. Utility companies and wind turbine operators will seek to renew their access to the PTC to reduce the need for curtailment and to increase their government-approved profits on capital expenditures as long as these subsidies are available.

It’s a green grift all the way down.

Be sure to like, subscribe and share this piece, or YOU will need to be “repowered.”

Also, enjoy this song from The Kinks, which was the inspiration for the title of this article.