The Lights Are Going Out All Over Rural England Tonight

While Westminster counts its pennies, a cross-party group of MPs – many from constituencies where the village pub is the last communal hearth – have urged Rachel Reeves to reform business rates for hospitality, now that rural inns have joined family farms on the quiet list of the vanished.

A dimly lit pub exterior on a rural street at dusk, adorned with fairy lights, reflecting the somber atmosphere of a quiet evening.

From The Daily Sceptic

By Simon Panter

In the gathering dusk of a North Norfolk evening, where the North Sea mists drift in from a cold and indifferent sea, James Nye, 44, whose family has run East Anglian inns for 30 years, stands behind the bar of the White Horse in Holme-next-the-Sea. The pub, a low, Grade II-listed sentinel of stone and brick, flickers beneath strings of fairy lights that feel less festive than quietly defiant. Nye, steward of 10 inns, draws a pint of Adnams Ghost Ship while the low growl of tractors fades along the lanes outside – protest vehicles nursing wounds deeper than any fresh furrow.” “It feels like the Government is piling on pressure at the very moment we need its backing most,” he says to the regulars, farmers and fishermen whose weathered hands cradle glasses that may soon be relics. From April 2025 the measures announced in last autumn’s Budget – employer National Insurance rising to 15%, the threshold slashed from £9,100 to £5,000, the National Living Wage lifted to £12.21 an hour and business-rates relief for hospitality cut from 75% to 40% – have landed on his 10 pubs like a hammer blow, potentially adding £50,000 a year to the ledger of this one alone. In some isolated houses, the rates bill will quadruple overnight – one Cornwall landlady already staring at a jump from £18,500 to £73,000, and a South East pub chain owner facing a £62,000 hit that he says has his business “absolutely at its knees at the moment”.

That shock lands hardest in the quiet lanes of rural England. Everyone feels the sting, but the phrase “pub tax” is spoken with particular bitterness in the shires. Out here, where trade is stubbornly seasonal and a wet Tuesday in February can pass without a single stranger crossing the threshold, margins have always been measured in pennies, 12p profit-less than 2% – on every £6.50–£7.40 pint poured. Raise employer National Insurance, slash the threshold at which it bites, force wages higher by decree and then strip away the 75% business-rates relief that has kept thousands of village pubs breathing, and the same measures that irritate a city bar become a death sentence in the countryside. Many such houses, Sacha Lord warns, “will simply cease to exist”.

It is a prophecy that already feels lifted from the pages of a 19th century rural tragedy. A scene Thomas Hardy might have set a century ago. As Nye dims the lamps and turns the key against the night, the tractors’ rumble does not quite die, it lingers like a storm that has not yet decided whether to break. They have not heard it yet.

While Westminster counts its pennies, a cross-party group of MPs – many from constituencies where the village pub is the last communal hearth – have urged Rachel Reeves to reform business rates for hospitality, now that rural inns have joined family farms on the quiet list of the vanished. “Increasing taxes on ‘working people’ would be a ‘red line’,” warns York MP Rachael Maskell, hearing in the policy an echo of promises that rang differently in the shires. Emma McClarkin of the British Beer and Pub Association says the Budget “missed the mark by a long way”. Sacha Lord calls the pre-election assurances a “bare-faced lie”. Transitional relief, they note, is only another name for rises of 300% and more in the loneliest parishes. The patience of the countryside, it seems, is not infinite, only very, very long.

And it is not one policy that delivers the blow, but three arriving together. Three separate policies, each presented as modest and fair, have arrived at the same village at the same time. First, the inheritance-tax changes that from April 2026 will cap agricultural relief at £1 million and levy 20% on everything beyond, already prompting the sale of more than 187,500 acres this year and forcing family estates to offload or hike rents on the pubs that have anchored their villages for generations. Second, Clauses 83–92 of the new Planning and Infrastructure Bill, empowering compulsory purchase of green fields (and the pub’s own garden or car park) at farmland prices only to be flipped at hope-value premiums for housing or renewables. Third, the hospitality measures that are set to close an estimated 378 pubs in 2025 with the loss of 5,600 jobs, with rural ones particularly vulnerable, their trade too local and seasonal to weather the storm of taxes and rates.

These pressures do not spare a single thread of rural life. Inheritance tax is already making landlords decide which of their pubs must be sold to pay the bill, planning reforms eye the survivors’ land for the next solar farm or battery site, and then the pub tax walks in last and switches off the lights. And so, one by one, across rural England — tied house or freehouse, stone-built or timber-framed — the doors close, the beer garden is lost, and no one comes again.

The village pub is not a business that just happens to be closing. It is the last, fragile thread. Pull it, and the entire rural tapestry unravels, the shared stories, the unspoken neighbourliness, the sense that a place still belongs to the people who were born to it. What remains is dormitory hamlets, silent lanes and a countryside that survives only as scenery for those who never lived in it. That is how rural England dies, not with a bang, not even with a protest, but with the soft turning of a key in a lock that will never open again.

Last week, the silence finally arrived in Westminster. The fracture appeared on December 2nd, when dozens of Labour MPs abstained on the inheritance-tax vote and one – Markus Campbell-Savours of Penrith – crossed the floor entirely. A whisper of disquiet has become something closer to a dull, persistent requiem. “Pubs will become the next farms,” one backbencher murmured. The warning drifts across the shires like woodsmoke, the tax that is forcing a farmer to sell a single meadow does not halt at the five-bar gate. It walks on – risking higher rents – and quietly closes the pub next door. The same planning Bill that seizes a floodplain for housing will not spare the beer garden for renewables. London calls it progress. The countryside, older in its sorrows, simply calls it the end.

In 2024, Rachel Reeves entered government talking about fixing the foundations of the economy rather than repeating the old promise of “fixing the roof while the sun was shining”. Out here, the roof is thatch and the sun feels a long time gone. The measures she called modest adjustments have settled upon rural balance sheets with a kind of quiet, unarguable finality. For example, take a typical village pub turning over £250,000 a year, before the Budget it paid almost nothing in rates thanks to the 75% relief, now, from April 2025 it has handed over up to £20,000–£30,000 more in combined costs, on top of the new National Insurance burden and the mandated wage rise. What was once a fragile living has become, almost overnight, no living at all. Even the Treasury’s “transitional relief” feels like a polite postponement of the inevitable. In the shires, they are learning that promises of community and care for the high street can sound very different when the chairs are pushed in for good.

One pub, industry forecasts say, will close every day of the year, and the toll will fall hardest where the lanes are narrowest and the nights longest. Around one in four Britons now reports feeling lonely always, often or some of the time, and the local remains the last place where a nod from a stranger or a quiet “same again love” can still keep the dark at bay. When those doors finally shut, the loss will not appear in barrels or balance sheets but in the slow hollowing of hamlets that once possessed a heartbeat. James Nye, says he survived Covid only to discover the margins have grown thinner than paper. Every harvest supper, every wake, has become a small ceremony of farewell.

That same ceremony of farewell now plays out, more quietly, in the division lobbies of the House of Commons. The Labour abstentions on December 2nd were not the mutterings of metropolitan conscience but the quieter, older hush of rural memory. The roll-call reads like a gazetteer of quiet England: Gower, Shrewsbury, Ribble Valley, South West Norfolk, the Cornish coast, the Cumbrian fells, East Northamptonshire. Markus Campbell-Savours went further and voted against his own side, the whips suspended him before the echo had faded. Tom Bradshaw called them at last “the rural representatives of the Labour Party,” thanking those who “stood up” against the policy. Meanwhile, more than 270,000 petition signatures lie unanswered on the Chancellor’s desk like autumn leaves no one has bothered to sweep.

The convergence is no longer theoretical. At the Fox Inn in Patching, West Sussex, landlord Simon Boxall shut the doors in October after costs tripled since 2021 and a letter arrived warning that his business rates would double next year, leaving the village without its heartbeat. In the Cotswolds’ Ship Inn at Brimscombe, Wesley Birch faces a confirmed 300% rates surge to £31,750, plus an extra £11,000 in National Insurance, forcing 20% price hikes and staff cuts from 75 to 40 – liquidation looming unless relief comes. At the King’s Head in France Lynch, Gloucestershire, that pivotal rural crossroads pub, closed for good this autumn, the owners citing relentless post-pandemic cost pressures – falling trade, soaring energy bills and Budget hikes in wages and rates – that have crushed so many village locals across the country. Meanwhile, looming inheritance-tax changes are already pushing family estates to consider offloading tied houses just to stay afloat.

Across England the same quiet verdict is being read out, village by village. The rural inn – last bastion of civilised conversation and mildly adulterated ale – finds itself caught in a movement as slow and inexorable as the turning of the seasons. Dearer to run, harder to inherit, perched on land suddenly too valuable for mere pleasure, it waits beneath a quiet sentence of death. When the last one closes, no one will mark the moment. The tables will stay bare, the pumps will stay dry, the regulars will drink at home or not at all and the only sound in the village after dark will be the wind against an empty building.

And still Westminster refuses to hear the silence. Nine cross-party MPs on a letter, 84 abstentions, one suspended martyr – these are not the signs of a government at ease but of one discovering that the countryside remembers longer than the tearoom gossip lasts. CLA polling suggests deep rural discontent with the Budget, with Reform UK surging in support – Labour has dropped to third place in a recent Ipsos poll’s voting intentions (behind Reform UK at 33% and the Conservatives at 16%), with broader polls showing Labour around 18–31% nationally. More than a quarter (27%) of 2024 Conservative voters now lean toward Reform UK, signalling a continued shift – especially in rural and working-class areas where Reform has gained ground – and potentially threatening Labour’s hold on marginal seats.

In a hundred villages tonight, the same thought settles like frost on the windows of the last lit pub. Labour’s national renewal was sold to the cities, out here it is fading, one closed door at a time. Raise a glass while you still can. Somewhere in the Treasury a calculator clicks, still counting the pennies it will never see again.

And somewhere, someone is already thinking the same thing you are now.

Wherever your political affiliations lie, pause tonight and remember your local. The wedding that spilled into the beer garden at dusk. The Christmas and New Year’s Eve singalongs that grew warmer with every round. Nights out with friends that ended in laughter and last orders. The quiet gent who came in for a pint just for some company, and the low murmur that told him he wasn’t alone.

Now picture that same room dark. No voices, no bar stool pulled out for you. That is what is being arranged, one village at a time. If the thought chills you more than the beer in your hand, walk through the door while it still opens. Buy a round for someone you don’t know. Because soon the only thing left to raise will be a For Sale sign. The light isn’t flickering any more. The light is simply gone.

This article originally appeared on the Rational Forum Substack. You can subscribe here.

Labour’s Budget to Put Hundreds of Pounds on Electricity Bills

Green levies helping to support supposed cheap wind and solar power have soared in Labour’s Budget and will quickly add many hundreds of pounds to household electricity bills. This shock news is to be found in the details released by the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR). Needless to say, no mention was made of the sudden subsidy spike in the Chancellor’s Budget Statement to Parliament.

From The Daily Sceptic

By Chris Morrison

Green levies helping to support supposed cheap wind and solar power have soared in Labour’s Budget and will quickly add many hundreds of pounds to household electricity bills. This shock news is to be found in the details released by the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR). Needless to say, no mention was made of the sudden subsidy spike in the Chancellor’s Budget Statement to Parliament. But the detailed figures reveal that the levies are set to confiscate £16 billion a year from consumers from next year. This is equivalent to nearly £600 a household, but the situation is only likely to get much worse with the Mad Miliband committed to a 95% renewable grid within six years.

The problems don’t stop there. A renewable grid based on breezes and sun beams needs back-up when Mother Nature fails to co-operate. Earlier this week, the wind stopped blowing for a couple of days and minimal power was obtained from this source. The pretence that there is any realistic back up other than a secondary gas-based system is fading fast. Fintan Slye, the head of the operation controlling electricity supply into the grid, recently noted: “There will continue to be a significant amount of power plants in reserve for the cold, dull, windless weeks of winter, but they will run for limited periods.” To date we have yet to have sight of an official estimate of what all this might cost.

In the meantime, and it seems just for starters, British consumers have £16 billion to find every year, as the graph below compiled by Andrew Montford from Net Zero Watch shows.

The difference between OBR’s estimated cost of green levies in 2023 (red) and 2024 (blue).

Montford shows that the estimated cost of green levies (mostly renewables) has shot up in the last 18 months with estimates rising between 20% and 120%. In its report, the OBR blames the jump on the Contracts for Difference (CfD) scheme that compensates suppliers for low electricity prices but claws back money when rates rise above a certain level. Loosely-worded contracts seem to mean that money only flows one way into the pockets of the subsidy-hunting turbine owners. Montford notes that the OBR is “no longer pretending” that CfD contracts will be paying back to consumers “in the foreseeable future”.

The figures involved are staggering. Montford explains that 18 months ago the OBR was predicting that CfDs would save consumers nearly £10 billion between 2023-24 and 2028-29. However, six months ago, “they decided it would actually ‘cost’ us £9 billion. And today they have announced that it will cost us £12 billion”, he added. Faced with these figures, the general public may recall that one of the first actions of the incoming Labour Government was to abolish an annual winter fuel allowance for older people, saving just £1.5 billion. Some might observe that such a sum is little more than a rounding error in the fantasy world of green economics and subsidies.

The environmental levies cover a variety of green rackets from paying suppliers to produce uneconomic and environmentally unfriendly energy, to persuading consumers to buy inferior technologies. The investigative journalist Paul Homewood has been digging into the subsidy figures for years amid promises from politicians that “rapidly falling” wind power costs would bring bills tumbling down. “Now we know that was always a lie,” observed Homewood last year.

In fact, Homewood suggests, an even greater burden is being placed on U.K. electricity consumers. The feed-in tariff scheme that pays consumers for electricity generated from solar panels has been excluded by the OBR. Although the scheme is no longer open to new applicants, it is yet another subsidy and still costs almost £2 billion a year. The renewable heat incentive is another £1 billion plus boondoggle ignored by the OBR, while the climate change levy, added to business costs, chips in another £2 billion.

All in all, Homewood estimated last year that Net Zero taxes and levies were set to cost the British consumers almost £100 billion over the next six years. The Labour Budget just put that up by at least £25 billion. The Net Zero black hole gets bigger by the day.

Chris Morrison is the Daily Sceptic’s Environmental Editor.

Ed Miliband’s Net Zero Department Given 22% More Cash to Waste on Green Energy Unicorns – and Other Budget Horrors

Although it is relatively thin gruel, there were some positive announcements about energy in the Budget Statement. First and foremost, the Chancellor chose to keep the temporary 5p per litre fuel duty cut for another year and the planned increase in 2025-26 will be cancelled. The Government claims this measure will lead to a saving of £59 in 2025-26 for the average driver.

From The Daily Sceptic

By David Turver

Although it is relatively thin gruel, there were some positive announcements about energy in the Budget Statement. First and foremost, the Chancellor chose to keep the temporary 5p per litre fuel duty cut for another year and the planned increase in 2025-26 will be cancelled. The Government claims this measure will lead to a saving of £59 in 2025-26 for the average driver.

Of course, the sadistic activist zealots at Carbon Brief are up in arms about it, lamenting the “cost” to Government of freezing the fuel duty since 2011 (Figure 1).

Figure 1

Of course, they omit to mention that fuel duty brought in nearly £25 billion in 2022, so we already levy huge taxes on fuel, making it more expensive for people to travel.

The second piece of good news was the announcement of additional funding for Sizewell C. The Government claims it has provided £2.7 billion of funding to continue the project through 2025-26, but it is not quite clear how much of this is new money. However, the final investment decision on whether to proceed with the project will be taken during the Phase 2 spending review, due to complete in late spring 2025.

The final piece of good news is that the Chancellor has allocated “only” £125 million to GB Energy (GBE) in 2025-26, limiting the damage it can do. Ministers say that as GB Energy is established the investment activity will be undertaken by the National Wealth Fund (NWF). However, it has only allocated £5 million to NWF in 2025-26, rising to £50 million in 2027-28. Interestingly, both figures are only a tiny fraction of the annual average of spending on GBE of £1.7bn and £1.5bn on NWF promised in Labour’s manifesto.

Sadly, the list of bad news items is somewhat longer. The Department of Energy Security and Net Zero is going to see a massive increase in overall funding of 22% per year out to 2025-26 (see Figure 2).

Figure 2 – Massive Spending Increase for DESNZ in Budget 2024

The vast majority of this extra spending is on capital items, much of which will be squandered on thermodynamic abominations like Carbon Capture, Usage and Storage (CCUS) and green hydrogen.

Labour also plans to spend at least £3.4 billion on household heat decarbonisation and energy efficiency. In plain terms, this means keeping the increased subsidies for heat pumps and spending on insulation measures. Most of these insulation measures have payback periods measured in centuries, and some have payback periods further away from today than the Roman occupation.

There is a further £1 billion planned for hundreds of local energy schemes to decarbonise the public estate. For this read more solar panels on council buildings.

Unfortunately, the Budget 2024 bad news keeps on coming because the OBR has also delivered an updated estimate of the costs of environmental levies. These include the costs of the Renewables Obligations and Contracts for Difference subsidy schemes plus the cost of the capacity market, green gas levy and the Renewables Heat Incentive. The summary results, showing the progression from March 2023 through to October 2024 are shown in Figure 3.

Figure 3 – Change in Environmental Levies Mar 23-Oct 24 (£bn)

The latest figures show overall green levies are forecast to rise from about £11 billion in 2023-24 to a peak of £16.4 billion in 2026-27, before falling back to £15.5 billion in 2027-28. This latter figure is some 122% (i.e., more than double) what was forecast in March 2023 for the same year.

These subsidies and consequential costs of renewables will find their way into our bills. The £16.4 billion peak is about £585 per household, up from £396 last financial year. By disclosing this extra £189 per year in green levies, the OBR has single-handedly trashed Labour’s claim to be cutting energy bills by £300. Note these figures do not include the costs of the Feed-in-Tariff, nor grid balancing cost or the extra £10 billion per year being spent on grid infrastructure. Our bills are going to soar.

Our taxes are going to rise to pay for all the wasted spending on CCUS, hydrogen and uneconomic insulation measure and our bills are going up even more to pay for all the renewables. If you have any money left over after this Budget, spend it on woolly jumpers.

David Turver writes the Eigen Values Substack, where this article first appeared.