DOE dumps ALARA: Will the NRC follow suit?

When Secretary of Energy Chris Wright on January 12 announced that the DOE had ended the use of the “as low as reasonably achievable” (ALARA) principle for radiation safety directives and regulations, he was following both a directive from President Trump and a recommendation by scientists at the Idaho National Laboratory.

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From CFACT

By Duggan Flanakin|

When Secretary of Energy Chris Wright on January 12 announced that the DOE had ended the use of the “as low as reasonably achievable” (ALARA) principle for radiation safety directives and regulations, he was following both a directive from President Trump and a recommendation by scientists at the Idaho National Laboratory.

President Trump, in Executive Order EO 14300, criticized ALARA and the linear no-threshold (LNT) model on which it is based, stating, “Those models lack sound scientific basis and produce irrational results, such as requiring that nuclear plants protect against radiation below naturally occurring levels.”

While the DOE has now complied with the President’s wishes, the same cannot yet be said about the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, where the ALARA principle outlined in Part 20 of its rules is still in force. Mind you, the NRC began considering changes to Part 53 of its regulations, which address risk for advanced reactors, during President Trump’s first term in 2019.

By late 2022, the draft regulations released a draft Part 53 rule, and, sure enough, the ALARA principle was required for the total effective dose equivalent (TEDE) design features and programmatic controls; in fact, the functional design criteria for occupational dose ALARA seemed to be a significant expansion of then-current ALARA requirements into design space.

That proposal did not satisfy the nuclear industry and its proponents. A Breakthrough Institute report asserted a broad stakeholder consensus that the NRC was “applying the same baroque licensing and regulatory framework that has so hobbled the legacy nuclear industry for decades to advanced nuclear technologies.”

What the stakeholders had wanted as a Part 53 rule that was predictable, flexible, enabled innovation, and scalable. The rule should, they said, provide an innovative approach to licensing that is technology-inclusive, risk-informed, and performance-based. It should be transformational, not iterative, of existing licensing pathways.

Among their many recommendations was to “remove the ALARA standard from all design requirements of the Part 53 framework.”

In short, ALARA was a bad idea when introduced in 1971, and a worse idea now.

But the Part 53 rule revisions requested by stakeholders did not get adopted in 2023. Instead, a revised draft was approved on March 4, 2024; the initial public comment period extended until February 28, 2025. Now the NRC staff is predicting a draft final rule by May 1. But it could be 2028 before the final rule is actually in effect.

Can/should Americans have to wait that long, given the urgency of doubling electricity generation within the next few years? And will the final rules remove the ALARA mandate?

A July 2025 report from Idaho National Laboratory recommended that the current U.S. annual occupational dose limit of 5,000 millirems be maintained WITHOUT applying ALARA below that threshold. According to the report, epidemiological studies “have consistently failed to demonstrate statistically significant health effects at doses below 10,000 mrem/year with appropriate cumulative-dose constraints.”

The report further stated that increasing the public dose limit from 100 to 500 mrem/year “would maintain a substantial safety margin while better aligning with scientific evidence and enabling more cost-effective implementation of beneficial nuclear technologies across energy, healthcare, and industrial sectors.”

In short, the 55-year-old NRC regulations had always been over-restrictive by a long shot – based on the contorted viewpoint that even one microrem of radiation (far below ambient levels) cannot be allowed.  No wonder President Trump complained that “a myopic policy of minimizing even trivial risks ignores the reality that substitute forms of energy production also carry risk, such as pollution with potentially deleterious health effects.”

The INL report concluded that “rather than claiming scientific certainty where none exists, aligning radiation protection standards with current scientific understanding represents a prudent step toward realizing these benefits while maintaining appropriate safety margins for workers and the public while acknowledging that some level of scientific and policy debate will likely persist.”

There were, of course, plenty of naysayers. The American Nuclear Society’s own “expert advisory group” concluded that the NRC and other federal agencies should focus on applying the ALARA principle in the manner it was originally intended rather than reignite “an esoteric scientific debate.” Doing otherwise, they claimed, would undermine the credibility of the regulatory process and the industry.

But that principle has hampered the U.S. nuclear industry – as it was designed to do – for over half a century, so much so that the U.S. had approved only two new nuclear powerplants in the 21st Century as of the date President Trump reassumed office.

Nano Nuclear Energy CEO James Walker says ending reliance on ALARA will help novel technologies, such as fast reactors, reactors using more novel coolants and novel fuels, because proving these components are ALARA-level “safe” is expensive and time consuming. In short, the change will help out companies in developing their designs and technologies.

A recent Breakthrough Institute report found that revising the NRC’s radiation protection standards could significantly reduce the cost of designing, constructing, and operating nuclear power plants while still providing ample margins of safety. Keeping the same standards would unnecessarily limit nuclear energy’s benefits to society.

We’re not talking chump change. Breakthrough says potential cost reductions for new nuclear construction, across a range of nuclear deployment scenarios through 2050, range from $200 million to $40 billion – depending on the extent of reactor deployment and the degree to which designs are adapted to revised standards. But more than money, the time saved from proving ALARA enables plants to go online sooner – and bringing return on investment sooner as well.

ALARA is now gone from the Energy Department’s rules. The NRC’s intransigence is proving costly and threatens U.S. energy security. Meanwhile, other nations are permitting and constructing new nuclear power plants while the NRC is taking forever to join the 21st Century.

This article originally appeared at Real Clear Energy

Defund The National Academy of Sciences!

Here’s an article you might find interesting from Science magazine on June 2. The headline is “National Academies, staggering from Trump cuts, on brink of dramatic downsizing.”

From Manhattan Contrarian

By Francis Menton

Here’s an article you might find interesting from Science magazine on June 2. The headline is “National Academies, staggering from Trump cuts, on brink of dramatic downsizing.”

Science magazine is one of those formerly-prestigious “peer-reviewed” journals where for many decades you just had to get your research published in order to become someone in a scientific field. Somewhere along the way, Science turned from scientific inquiry to orthodoxy enforcement. The National Academy of Sciences (“NAS,” and along with two fellow Academies of Engineering and Medicine sometimes called “NASEM”), meanwhile, is a federally-chartered but supposedly private entity set up to give “independent” scientific advice to the government. The Academies raise meaningful amounts of private funds, but in the most recent reported year (2023) got the substantial majority of their funding (over $200 million) via contracts from the feds. (See Treasurer’s Statement here.). As far as I can determine, the main business of the National Academies, and particularly of the NAS, is also orthodoxy enforcement.

The latest, from the June 2 Science article, is that the National Academy of Sciences “is navigating a tense situation as the organization faces unprecedented contract losses and layoffs.” The President of the NAS is named Marcia McNutt. The Science piece describes a May 21 email sent by McNutt to colleagues outlining how the Academies (and their umbrella organization the National Research Council) plan to respond to funding cuts. Excerpt:

“While it is too early to share specific outcomes, we anticipate that the NRC will emerge as a smaller organization with fewer units,” McNutt wrote in a 21 May email.

How big are the funding cuts?

From Trump’s inauguration to 6 May, NRC lost 41 U.S. government contracts and received another eight stop-work orders. . . . The DOGE website lists 36 of the canceled NASEM contracts, and Science calculated the total cost of these losses to be more than $25 million.

Well, so far by my calculation that’s $25 million down and $175 million to go.

Is there anything about the NAS that’s worth preserving at all? To answer that question, you need to consider its long-time President, Marcia McNutt. Ms. McNutt transitioned from editor-in-chief of Science magazine over to President of the NAS way back in late 2015/early 2016. At that time, I wrote two posts on that subject, here on December 18, 2015, and here on February 8, 2016. The focus of those two posts was what I called the “epidemic” of orthodoxy enforcement in the U.S. scientific establishment. And I identified the leader of that epidemic as Ms. McNutt.

In the December 2015 post I featured an extraordinary email submitted by Peter Wood of the National Association of Scholars opposing Ms. McNutt’s candidacy for President of NAS (although there was no other serious contender for the position at the time). Mr. Wood identified three major areas of scientific inquiry, all with huge money at stake, where Ms. McNutt as editor of Science had led the forces seeking to suppress all dissenting evidence and data. The three areas were (1) the so-called “linear no threshold” hypothesis as to the effects of pollutants and carcinogens (including radiation); (2) the health effects of very small particulate matter (2.5 microns or smaller) in the air (known as “PM 2.5”); and (3) the so-called “consensus model” of climate change driven by CO2 and other greenhouse gases. I will repeat here a long excerpt from Mr. Wood’s email that I included in that 2015 post:

Dr. McNutt has in her career found herself faced more than once with the challenge of what to do when an entrenched orthodoxy meets a substantial scientific challenge.  The challenge in each case could itself prove to be mistaken, but it met what most scientists would concede to be the threshold criteria to deserve a serious hearing.  Yet in each case Dr. McNutt chose to reinforce the orthodoxy by shutting the door on the challenge. . . .  Dr. McNutt’s dismissive treatment of scientific criticisms is disturbing. . . .

1.  The status of the linear no-threshold (LNT) dose-response model for the biological effects of nuclear radiation.  The prominence of the model stems from the June 29, 1956 Science paper, “Genetic Effects of Atomic Radiation,” authored by the NAS Committee on the Biological Effects of Atomic Radiation.  This paper is now widely questioned and has been seriously critiqued in many peer-reviewed publications, including two detailed 2015 papers.  These criticisms are being taken seriously around the world, as summarized in a December 2, 2015 Wall Street Journal commentary.  In August 2015 four distinguished critics of LNT made a formal request to Dr. McNutt to examine the evidence of fundamental flaws in the 1956 paper and retract it.  However, on August 11, 2015 Dr. McNutt rejected this request without even reviewing the detailed evidence.  Furthermore, Dr. McNutt did not even consider recusing herself and having independent reviewers examine evidence that challenges the validity of both a Science paper and an NAS Committee Report.

This is a consequential matter that bears on a great deal of national public policy, as the LNT model has served as the basis for risk assessment and risk management of radiation and chemical carcinogens for decades, but now needs to be seriously reassessed.  This reassessment could profoundly alter many regulations from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, Environmental Protection Agency, and other government agencies.  The relevant documents regarding the 1956 Science paper and Dr. McNutt can be examined at www.nas.org/images/documents/LNT.pdf.

2.  Extensive evidence of scientific misconduct in the epidemiology of fine particulate air pollution(PM2.5) and its relationship to mortality.  Since 1997 EPA has claimed that lifetime inhalation of about a teaspoon of particles with diameter less than 2.5 microns causes premature death in the United States and it established a national regulation based on this claim.  Science has provided extensive news coverage of this issue and its regulatory significance, but has never published any scientific criticism of this questionable claim, which is largely based on nontransparent research.

Earlier this year, nine accomplished scientists and academics submitted to Science well-documented evidence of misconduct by several of the PM2.5 researchers relied upon by EPA.  The evidence of misconduct was first submitted to Dr. McNutt in a detailed June 4, 2015 email letter, then in a detailed July 20, 2015 Policy Forum manuscript “Transparent Science is Necessary for EPA Regulations,” and finally in an August 17, 2015 Perspective manuscript “Particulate Matter Does Not Cause Premature Deaths.” Dr. McNutt and two Science editors immediately rejected the letter and the manuscripts and never conducted any internal or external review of the evidence.  This a consequential matter because many multi-billion dollar EPA air pollution regulations, such as, the Clean Power Plan, are primarily justified by the claim that PM2.5 is killing Americans.  The relevant documents regarding this controversy can be examined at https://www.nas.org/images/documents/PM2.5.pdf.

3. Science promotes the so-called consensus model of climate change and excludes any contrary views.  This issue has become so polarized and polarizing that it is difficult to bring up, but at some point the scientific community will have to reckon with the dramatic discrepancies between current climate models and substantial parts of the empirical record.  Recent evidence of Science bias on this issue is the June 26, 2015 article by Dr. Thomas R. Karl, “Possible artifacts of data biases in the recent global surface warming hiatus”; the July 3, 2015 McNutt editorial, “The beyond-two-degree inferno”; the November 13, 2015 McNutt editorial, “Climate warning, 50 years later”; and the November 25, 2015 AAAS News Release, “AAAS Leads Coalition to Protest Climate Science Inquiry.”

Further to the subject of climate orthodoxy enforcement, my February 2016 post quoted from a July 2015 editorial in Science authored by Ms. McNutt. Excerpt:

The time for debate has ended. Action is urgently needed. The Paris-based International Energy Agency recently announced that current commitments to cut CO2 emissions [known as Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs)] from the world’s nations are insufficient to avoid warming the entire planet by an average of more than 2°C above the preindustrial level. To set more aggressive targets, developed nations need to reduce their per-capita fossil fuel emissions even further, and by doing so, create roadmaps for developing nations to leapfrog technologies by installing low-CO2–emitting energy infrastructure rather than coal-fired power plants as they expand their energy capacity.

In the time since 2016, Ms. McNutt and the NAS have been central actors in suppressing dissenting voices in the climate debate.

And here’s something else from the June 2 Science piece:

The presidents of those three honorific societies that together with NRC comprise NASEM—McNutt, John Anderson, and Victor Dzau—each earned more than $1 million in 2023. . . . At a time when hundreds of jobs are at risk, “It is galling that the leadership of the institution makes that kind of money,” says one senior program officer with a decade of experience at the institution.

I can’t think of any reason why any organization headed by Ms. McNutt should get a dime of taxpayer money. Can you?