{"id":442131,"date":"2026-05-01T07:58:07","date_gmt":"2026-05-01T14:58:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/climatescience.press\/?p=442131"},"modified":"2026-05-14T16:53:28","modified_gmt":"2026-05-14T23:53:28","slug":"milibands-favourite-economist-doesnt-understand-how-markets-work","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/climatescience.press\/?p=442131","title":{"rendered":"Miliband\u2019s Favourite Economist Doesn\u2019t Understand How Markets Work"},"content":{"rendered":"
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\"\"<\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

From Tilak\u00b4s Substack<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

By Tilak Doshi<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

When Ed Miliband took the podium at the Good Growth Foundation<\/a>\u2019s National Growth Debate in Westminster last week, he did not disappoint his audience of the converted. Flanked by the economist he has long revered, Miliband delivered a speech that could serve as a textbook case of what I have elsewhere called the \u201ceconomic illiteracy of UK energy policy<\/a>\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yet to dismiss it as mere stupidity would be a mistake. There is a method to Miliband\u2019s madness\u2014one honed over years in the cloistered halls of \u201cwoke\u201d Oxford and the Fabian-inspired London School of Economics and now supercharged by the \u201cmission\u201d-obsessed theories of Professor Mariana Mazzucato of University College London.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In that speech\u2014republished by the New Statesman<\/a><\/em>\u2014Miliband declared that \u201cthe era of fossil fuel security is over, and the era of clean energy security must come of age.\u201d He credited \u201cthe godmother of missions, Marianna Mazzucato, who\u2019s with us,\u201d for the intellectual scaffolding of Labour\u2019s clean energy push.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The mission, he said, established in opposition and now in government, has \u201ctwo parts\u2014driving to a clean electricity system but also electrifying as much as we can, as we decarbonise the wider economy.\u201d Informed by the \u201clessons\u201d of Russia\u2019s invasion of Ukraine and the latest crisis over the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, Miliband insists Britain must \u201cdouble down\u201d on net zero, tax North Sea oil and gas investments punitively, and \u201celectrify everything\u201d while rejecting any new exploration and development of domestic hydrocarbons.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pernicious Political Elite<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is not ignorance born of inexperience. Miliband has been a central figure in Britain\u2019s\u2014and the world\u2019s\u2014climate movement for nearly two decades. As Climate Change Secretary under Gordon Brown, he helped shepherd the 2008 Climate Change Act, the legislative foundation for the UK\u2019s self-proclaimed folly of \u201cinternational climate leadership<\/a>\u201d. He has since served as Shadow Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change and, since July 2024, as the government\u2019s Energy Security and Net Zero Secretary.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

His fingerprints are on every major escalation: the legally binding net zero target by 2050, the push for \u201cclean, homegrown\u201d renewables, and the deliberate throttling of North Sea production through windfall taxes and regulatory hurdles. Far from a novice, Miliband is a seasoned operator<\/a> who has consistently placed climate ideology above economic realism. The roots of this approach lie in his education. Miliband read Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE) at Corpus Christi College, Oxford, before earning an MSc in Economics at the LSE.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

PPE, that notorious Oxbridge conveyor belt<\/a> of generalist debaters and policy wonks, has long been criticised for producing slick operators fluent in debating abstractions and civil service procedures but often shallow on real world trade-offs and incentives. The degree is seen as a \u201csure ticket to the top,\u201d having regularly produced numerous UK Prime Ministers (including Cameron, Truss, and Sunak), cabinet ministers and top civil servants.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Add the Fabian socialist ethos of the LSE\u2014long a cradle of central planning<\/a> and state-directed \u201cprogress\u201d\u2014and you have the perfect incubator for learned<\/em> economic illiteracy. This is not a failure to learn economics; it is the active absorption of a peculiar strain of it, one in which \u201csaving the planet\u201d by a self-appointed expert class from the apocalypse of \u201cglobal boiling<\/a>\u201d trumps every mundane consideration of reliability or opportunity cost.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Enter Mariana Mazzucato, the UCL professor whose 2021 book Mission Economy: A Moonshot Guide to Changing Capitalism<\/a><\/em> has become the bible for Starmer\u2019s five-mission Labour platform<\/a>. Miliband\u2019s praise of her as the \u201cgodmother of missions\u201d was no throwaway line. Mazzucato\u2019s framework\u2014bold state \u201cmissions\u201d to shape markets, \u201cdirectionality,\u201d \u201cintersectoral collaboration,\u201d and \u201cpublic value\u201d\u2014has been adopted wholesale. Starmer\u2019s missions on net zero, health, education, and the rest echo her call for government to move from \u201cfixing market failures\u201d to actively creating markets through \u201cmoonshot\u201d ambition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Critics of Prof. Mazzucato, including economists like Alberto Mingardi in City Journal<\/a><\/em> and Michael D. Thomas in The Independent Review<\/a>, refer to her work as an example of the \u201cnirvana fallacy\u201d: comparing imperfect real-world markets to an idealised, omniscient state free of rent-seeking, bureaucratic capture, or coordination failures. Her evidence is selective\u2014she overstates the state\u2019s role in innovations like the mobile phone while downplaying government waste, political short-termism, and the knowledge problem that Friedrich Hayek warned against in his critique of central planning\u2019s \u201cfatal conceit<\/a>.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mazzucato\u2019s jargon\u2014\u201cmissions,\u201d \u201cmoonshots,\u201d \u201ccollective intelligence\u201d\u2014is not neutral rhetoric. It is the linguistic scaffolding of a worldview in which experts in white papers and government institutes know better than price signals, consumer choice, or entrepreneurial discovery. Miliband and Starmer quote her not as an economist offering testable hypotheses but as an influencer whose narrative fits the climate zeitgeist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Since 2023, Prof. Mazzucato has served as a key technical adviser to Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley and co-authored with the prime minister two major reports on inclusive and sustainable development for Barbados. A central plank of the government is the Bridgetown Initiative<\/a> which Mottley launched and invited Mazzucato to join as a founding member in 2022. The Initiative calls on the UN to give climate-vulnerable small island developing states (SIDS) which allegedly face existential threats from sea-level rise expanded access to loss-and-damage funding and climate finance mechanisms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Climate Imperative Above All<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Economics is the science of ranking alternatives under scarcity, aka \u201copportunity costs\u201d and trade-offs among various public policy choices by government. When climate change is elevated to existential imperative, trade-offs disappear by fiat. There is only one opportunity (\u201cdecarbonize\u201d) and only one cost (\u201cdecarbonization\u201d) that matters. The only permissible policies are those that accelerate decarbonisation, no matter the cost to bills, jobs, or growth. Nowhere is this clearer than in UK energy policy. Miliband insists that renewables are \u201chomegrown\u201d and \u201cclean,\u201d and \u201ccheaper\u201d to boot, insulating Britain from volatile global fossil fuel prices.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yet none of these claims survive scrutiny. Solar and wind components are overwhelmingly manufactured in China, whose coal-fired power underpins the entire global supply chain from mining rare earths to refining polysilicon. The \u201cclean energy superpower\u201d vision depends on Beijing\u2019s dirty energy. The UK has various \u201con shoring\u201d initiatives to bring about a \u201cmanufacturing renaissance\u201d in clean energy. Most are far-fetched to say the least (remember Boris Johnson\u2019s boast about making the UK the \u201cSaudi Arabia of wind energy\u201d?) There are no UK-owned major OEM (original equipment manufacturers). Turbines are still designed and largely supplied by foreign companies (Vestas, Siemens Gamesa, GE Vernova). A \u201cBritish wind turbine\u201d from scratch would require enormous R&D, capital, and scale that doesn\u2019t currently exist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In any full-cycle analysis of renewable energy manufacturing, the mining and refining of minerals and rare earths required to produce components in solar, wind and battery technologies is anything but clean<\/a>. And the myth of \u201ccheap\u201d renewables<\/a> has been debunked countless times though interminable debates on system costs and intermittency keep being repeated across the energy policy literature. But the real test for all countries embarked on the Net Zero campaign remains as to how long can government subsidies for renewables on the one hand and high taxes on fossil fuels on the other, last before voters revolt over high energy bills and before the bond vigilantes come calling as the country tests its creditworthiness in international credit markets.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Meanwhile, punitive taxes on North Sea investments have accelerated decline in a sector that still provides Britain energy security and tax revenues. IEA\u2019s Executive Director Fatih Birol — who had sounded contrite previously<\/a> regarding his anti-fossil fuel posture in public meetings with US Energy Secretary Chris Wright — once again echoes Miliband. Since no new oil and gas investments are needed because demand will fall and investments will be stranded, Mr. Birol advises<\/a> that the UK should forgo much of its potential North Sea expansion \u201cdespite the pressure\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the energy crises brought on by the Russian invasion of the Ukraine in 2022 and now in the face of the Hormuz crisis, Fatih opined<\/a> in an \u201cexclusive with the Guardian\u201d interview:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n

\u201cThere will be a significant boost to renewables and nuclear power and a further shift towards a more electrified future\u2026And this will cut into the main markets for oil\u2026The vase is broken, the damage is done \u2013 it will be very difficult to put the pieces back together. This will have permanent consequences for the global energy markets for years to come.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

What Net Zero Has Wrought for Britain<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Britain\u2019s cumulative GDP growth since 2008 lags the US and even much of the EU, as Jon Moynihan meticulously documents in his two-volume Return to Growth: How to Fix the Economy<\/a><\/em>. While the US boomed on the shale revolution<\/a> and market-led innovation, the UK has presided over deindustrialisation, energy poverty, and policy-induced stagnation<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Massive government R&D spending on green innovation — as per Prof. Mazzucato\u2019s call for \u201cmoonshot missions\u201d\u2014falls short when subjected to economic scrutiny. Miliband\u2019s \u00a322 billion bet on carbon capture and storage<\/a> (CCS)\u2014an unproven, outrageously expensive technology\u2014exemplifies the conceit. It is the very industrial policy Mazzucato champions: government \u201cpicking winners\u201d while socialising risks and privatising rewards for cronies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Private firms like Google and SpaceX often lead where government lags. Government R&D subsidies invite cronyism\u2014firms find it easier to lobby for handouts rather than compete in a competitive marketplace. Bureaucratic committees cannot replicate the dispersed knowledge of markets with skin in the game. Nuclear fusion, for instance, always remains \u201c50 years away<\/a>,\u201d and history is littered with white elephants from state-directed innovation. Miliband\u2019s approach reflects this planner\u2019s hubris writ large.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lenin\u2019s Useful Idiots<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The deeper problem is emotional, not intellectual. As one perceptive X post<\/a> claims, Ed Miliband suffers from a \u201csaviour complex\u201d. Advisers who understand economics are sidelined because the mission is messianic: Britain must lead the world in \u201cclimate leadership,\u201d consequences be damned. This learned illiteracy is shared across the Anglosphere\u2019s progressive governments\u2014from Ottawa to Canberra to Brussels. They double down on net zero dogma even as energy prices soar, industries flee, and voters revolt at the ballot box.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mazzucato\u2019s ideas provide the perfect intellectual cover. Her missions promise purposeful capitalism without the messy realities of perverse incentives, bureaucratic failure or unintended policy consequences. They elevate \u201cpublic purpose\u201d above profit and loss, allowing politicians to pose as visionaries while entrenching bureaucratic power and corporate welfare. In this, they serve a larger agenda: using climate as the Trojan horse for expanded state control over the economy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lenin famously found \u201cuseful idiots\u201d among Western intellectuals sympathetic to the Bolshevik cause\u2014na\u00efve fellow travellers who lent credibility to revolutionary violence. The Greens, it seems, have found their own cadre in the Mazzucato mould: well-credentialed, jargon-fluent economists whose learned illiteracy provides intellectual respectability to policies that immiserate the working class, hobble growth, and enrich cronies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Call them Mazzucato\u2019s idiots. They are indispensable to the Net Zero agenda precisely because they cloak ideological zeal in the language of economic sophistication. Britain deserves better. Until policymakers rediscover the humility of classical political economy\u2014acknowledging trade-offs, the limits of state knowledge and state action, and the superior information-processing power of competitive markets\u2014the method to Miliband\u2019s madness will continue to deliver higher bills, lower growth, and energy insecurity dressed up as climate virtue and moral triumph.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The mission, it turns out, is not to save the planet. It is to remake capitalism in the image of the administrative state. And the bill, as always, will be paid by ordinary Britons.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A version of this article was first published in the Daily Sceptic https:\/\/dailysceptic.org\/2026\/04\/29\/milibands-favourite-economist-doesnt-understand-how-markets-work\/<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dr Tilak K. Doshi is the <\/em>Daily Sceptic\u2018s Energy Editor. He is an economist, a member of the CO2<\/sub> Coalition and a former contributor (cancelled) to <\/em>Forbes. Follow him on Substack<\/a> and X<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ed Miliband, as Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero in the Labour government, spoke at a Good Growth Foundation event. He praised Mariana Mazzucato (UCL professor, often called the “godmother of missions”) for shaping Labour’s approach. Miliband framed the transition away from fossil fuels as delivering both energy security and cheaper energy long-term, positioning government-led “missions” (directed investment, industrial strategy, and public direction of innovation) as the solution to climate and growth challenges.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":121246920,"featured_media":442132,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_coblocks_attr":"","_coblocks_dimensions":"","_coblocks_responsive_height":"","_coblocks_accordion_ie_support":"","advanced_seo_description":"","jetpack_seo_html_title":"","jetpack_seo_noindex":false,"jetpack_seo_schema_type":"","_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_wpcom_ai_launchpad_first_post":false,"_jetpack_feature_clip_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"font":"","enabled":false},"version":2},"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[1],"tags":[691820752,691841795,691819180,691819630,691821437,691820719,691818154,691842693,691819094,691828358],"class_list":["post-442131","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-economics","tag-ed-milibands-department-of-energy-security-and-net-zero-desnz","tag-energy-costs","tag-energy-crisis","tag-global-boiling","tag-international-energy-agency","tag-net-zero","tag-professor-mariana-mazzucato","tag-renewable-green-energy","tag-saving-the-planet","fallback-thumbnail"],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"jetpack_likes_enabled":true,"jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/paxLW1-1R19","jetpack-related-posts":[{"id":424797,"url":"https:\/\/climatescience.press\/?p=424797","url_meta":{"origin":442131,"position":0},"title":"The Risks of AR7: Ed Miliband\u2019s Poison Pill","author":"uwe.roland.gross","date":"02\/05\/2026","format":false,"excerpt":"AR7 refers to the UK's Allocation Round 7 of the Contracts for Difference (CfD) scheme, a government auction process for subsidizing renewable energy projects, primarily offshore wind. 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